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Internet Edition: July 1-15, 2006 |
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Online Archives
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No to foreign interference in Sri Lanka!
The heightened Indian interference in Sri Lanka’s affairs is very dangerous and totally against the interests of the people of Sri Lanka. Ever since the conflict over the rights of the Tamil people of Sri Lanka began to escalate from the mid-1980s, that country has been the scene of intense foreign power activity in the name of helping the people there to resolve their problems. First, the Indian state tried direct military intervention, though it subsequently had to withdraw because of the fierce opposition from all sections of people in Sri Lanka. Following that fiasco, it was the turn of the US and various Western powers to get involved in the name of brokering peace between the various Sri Lankan governments and the LTTE. This was accompanied by another initiative in which Japan also began to play a major role, which promised substantial foreign funds if the two sides followed the foreign roadmap to “peace”. Yet after all these years, the people are not only nowhere nearer to peace than they were before, but foreign pressure and interference has also increased tremendously. Now the Sri Lankan government – LTTE talks have broken off, and the level of violence in that country has escalated sharply in recent weeks. This has involved not just direct combat between the forces of the Sri Lankan state and the LTTE, and “deterrent” air strikes by the Sri Lankan state against LTTE-controlled areas, but also a series of assassinations of individuals, and horrific terrorist attacks against ordinary citizens. 64 people were killed in a bomb blast in a bus in Anuradhapura, and many injured and killed in a grenade attack on a church in the Mannar area in which scores of people were taking refuge. In all this, the masses of people have been the worst sufferers. The military approach to the serious problem of the rights of the Tamils and other minorities in Sri Lanka has proved to be bankrupt. Equally bankrupt is the encouragement given by various parties to the conflict to foreign powers to come and intervene. The festering conflict in Sri Lanka is a terrible burden on the masses of people of that country, whichever community they may belong to. It has taken too many innocent lives and is a potent source of wider conflict and foreign intervention in the region. The patriotic and progressive forces of Sri Lanka have no doubt a difficult situation on their hands. On the one hand, they have to uphold human rights and elaborate and fight for a political solution to the problems confronting Sri Lanka in which human rights are guaranteed and enforced and the concerns of Tamils and other minorties are harmoniously addressed. On the other hand, they have to be vigilant and oppose all external interference, political or military. The Indian working class and people sincerely wish the patriotic and progressive forces of Sri Lanka success in overcoming the problems facing their country. The Indian working class is strongly opposed to any interference by the Indian state or any other imperialist power in the affairs of Sri Lanka and upholds the right of the people of Sri Lanka to settle their own affairs without any foreign pressure or intervention. |
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Oppose privatization of NALCO and NLC! No conciliation with privatisation! The UPA government has pushed through privatisation of the Delhi and Mumbai airports and is now selling 10% stakes in NALCO and NLC. How must workers respond to the arguments of the government justifying these sales? Take the airports case. The argument of the bourgeoisie was that (1) capital was needed for modernisation of airports and (2) the jobs of workers will be protected. This privatisation was thrust down the throats of reluctant airport workers by the government and its apologists in the communist and workers movement saying that "jobs were being protected", and that "air transport is a growing sector" in which jobs would increase. In the case of NALCO and Neyveli Lignite Corporation, profit making industries are being privatized step by step. The justification is that the funds from disinvestment will be used for the social sector as well as revival of sick These arguments are being used to make the workers accept this privatization in the "larger interest of society". From the time the privatisation program was launched in the mid nineties, till today, the bourgeoisie and the government has used different arguments according to the times to justify its course. Some times, it is that "loss making units" must be got rid off. Sometimes it is that it is not the governments business to be making bread (as in the case of MFIL). Sometimes it is that government must only take care of "strategic sector industries". And sometimes it is that only "Navratnas" shall be spared the privatisation axe. At all times, it has been made out that the government is very concerned about the fate and future of workers employed in these privatized enterprises as well as the general interests of society. Now, it is reported that one of the arguments being advanced by the government to justify privatization of NALCO and NLC is that according to SEBI rules (framed by this very government), a company can register for trading in the stock market if it allows 25% of its shares for trading! Therefore, to raise capital for these units for their alleged modernisation, it is necessary to disinvest! The government and the bourgeoisie is neither motivated by the general interests of society nor the interests of the livelihood of the workers employed in the PSU's. All these arguments are a cover-up to hide the real intent. It is known that the PSU's were established according to the Tata-Birla plan because the Indian bourgeoisie did not have the required capital at that time to invest in certain sectors requiring huge capital beyond their means, involving long gestation periods, and low returns. Indian bourgeoisie was also extremely concerned about protecting the home market and ensuring its own growth. Now the situation is that Indian multinationals have emerged with enough capital to take over and run such industries in the energy and mineral sectors, and they do not mind foreign multinationals doing the same. In such a situation, they are demanding that the state hand over the assets created by the people over the past decades to private parties. Successive governments are merely carrying out the bidding of these monopolies changing their arguments to suit the time and situation. The working class needs to understand that privatisation is a program that benefits the big monopoly capitalists, Indian and international, by expanding the space for them to reap the maximum rate of profit. It does not matter which section or party of the bourgeoisie, under what pretext or what form implements this programme. It is against the interest of the working class and people. Assets that have been created through human labour belong to society as a whole. Assets that have been inherited over centuries, such as lakes, forests and other natural resources, belong to the nation, nationality or people who have inhabited that territory and humanised it. The opposition to privatisation is a matter of principle. Privatisation must be opposed because it is anti-worker and anti-social, and an attack on basic rights. The working class and people must oppose privatisation of any public asset. It does not matter whether the privatisation is carried out gradually or all at once. It does not matter if the company is making profits or losses, whether it is declared “navaratna” or “non-navaratna”. Workers must advance the programme for renewal and regeneration of all the productive forces in the interest of all those who toil. They must put forth the program of taking-over all the assets from the hands of the bourgeoisie and deploying it to fulfill material and spiritual needs of all in the society. They must wage the struggle to defeat privatisation with the perspective of establishing the rule of toilers and tillers in our country.
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Wheat Imports – a manifestation of “liberalisation” of Indian agriculture
The government initially decided to import 500,000 tonnes of wheat through the public sector State Trading Corporation. At that time, the stock in the Central pool was 4.8 million tones, and more than sufficient to meet the needs of the public distribution system and other welfare schemes till April, the beginning of the harvest season. Subsequently the agriculture minister said the country needed to import an additional 2 million tonnes; a few days later, he raised the figure of the proposed additional wheat imports to 3 million tonnes. Finally, in the beginning of May he clarified that a total of 3.5 million tonnes of wheat would be imported on government account. These spurts in proposed imports of wheat came in the context of the minister himself admitting that wheat output in the current year is likely to increase by 1.5%, to 73.1 million tonnes. The area under wheat has increased by 400,000 hectares over that in the previous year. So the question is posed – why these wheat imports in the absence of any impending crop shortages? Reports from Punjab, Haryana and Madhya Pradesh indicate that the Food Corporation of India (FCI) and State government agencies have brought down their procurement operations and large private and multinational corporations, among them Cargill (the biggest global grain trader), Continental, Reliance, ITC and Hindustan Lever, have bought significant quantities of wheat. Farmers are selling wheat directly to the food-processing conglomerates. With the liberalisation of the economy, the government removed all restrictions on the stocking limit. The result is that the private trade is now in a position to stock any amount, and manipulate market prices. What is clear to everyone is that the government failed to procure the required amount of grain for sale through the public distribution system and towards buffer stocks; there has been a gradual but definite decline in public stocks, during the past few years. In the last few years, Indian wheat output has remained more or less stagnant, at 70-72 million tonnes, falling from a peak level of 76 million tonnes in 2000-01. However, the government has been procuring a falling proportion of the output. Between 2001-02 and 2005-06 there was a 10 percentage-point decline in procurement relative to the Indian wheat crop. Last year, too, wheat output was 72 mt. Government agencies are unable to procure enough wheat, because corporations and other private traders have offered a price higher than the government's purchasing price at harvest time. The Indian government’s procurement price is also much lower than the prevailing international price, and lower by Rs.140 a quintal than that offered by the Pakistan government. Taking advantage of the low purchase price offered by the Indian government, MNCs have been able to offer more realistic prices to attract farmers. The explanation being offered is that if the MSP is raised, it would provide an inflationary impetus to market prices; but then the government has also to explain why despite the MSP being kept low, wheat prices are on the rise, and a “shortage” condition has been created. It is reported that speculation in the forward commodities markets that include grains and pulses, a phenomenon still relatively new in the Indian market, is on the rise. Many of the agricultural commodities like rice, wheat and pulses are traded in the forward market without physical delivery. Traders and brokers buy and sell, say in June, the September contract or October contract. Lehmber Singh Taggar, general secretary of the Punjab unit of the All-India Kisan Sabha, explains: "About 30-35 years ago, before the advent of the public procurement policy, which resulted in the government becoming the major buyer of foodgrain surpluses in Punjab, private traders used to buy grain from peasants but asked them to keep it with themselves. The farmers, who needed money desperately, would sell grain cheap to these traders. The traders would collect the grain when prices increased, making a killing. They could do this without having to manage the inventory. This is exactly what seems to have happened in Punjab this year." It is therefore, the speculators and some select players in the forward market who are behind the current price rise. Prices for delivery in July have been quoted at over Rs.900 per quintal while December contracts hovered around Rs 1,050 a quintal. To sum up, it is clear that the procurement policy of the government is in the service of the large agri-corporations who are able to obtain their stocks by paying just over the low procurement prices. It may appear that the farmers are no longer at the mercy of the government procuring agencies and can now sell directly to private traders at “market” prices. But this is an illusion, because as private trade will soon dominate the market and set prices that are in the interest of their profits. Private trade uses every opportunity to push the prices down by holding back demand or by collaborating to offer the lowest possible price. Secondly, speculation in food grains and essential commodities will ensure that market prices have no relation to the actual cost of production nor will it enable availability of these essentials at affordable prices for the working people. The government’s recent decisions and actions have served to highlight these changing features of agricultural economy where liberalisation of markets and trade are increasingly being pushed in the service of the agri-corporations, jeopardising food security and farmers’ livelihood. It is also clear that finance capital will have an open field for making profits by speculating in the commodities market. |
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Capitalist growth cannot deliver the working class from exploitation In his budget speech 2006, Finance Minister Chidamabaram, declared that the best antidote to poverty is economic growth. This has been a favourite claim of the Indian ruling class that capitalist economic growth will automatically get translated into better quality of life and well-being of the people. According to the Finance Minister, this means that the working class should wait for faster capitalist economic growth to deliver it from poverty and exploitation.
In the capitalist system, the capitalists aim at maximizing their profits. They do this by appropriating as much of the surplus value created by labour as is possible under the given conditions. As capitalism advances, more and more technology and advanced machines are used in production, thus raising the productive capacity of labour. But this increase in productive capacity of labour does not benefit the working class directly. A large portion of this additional value created by labour due to increased productivity is again appropriated by the capitalist. What the working class finally gets is a few crumbs from capitalist growth. This fact has been clearly brought out by data published by the Annual Survey of Industries (ASI). This survey covers factories registered under the Factories Act. The 2003-04 survey covered all factories employing 100 or more workers and all factories in 5 industrially backward States/UTs, namely, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura and A&N Islands, irrespective of size. From the remaining factories, a sample was taken. The survey shows that between the period 1990-91 and 2003-04, the years of capitalist reforms, economic growth was made possible by increasing labour productivity, but the fruits of this growth was appropriated by the capitalists. In these years, the number of factories covered by the survey marginally increased from 1.1 lakh units to 1.29 lakh units. The number of workers employed in these factories actually decreased from 63 lakhs to 60.8 lakhs. However, the total output of these factories increased from Rs 2,70,564 crores to Rs 12, 87, 400 crores. During this period of 13 years, labour productivity increased at a much faster rate than wages. While productivity increased by an annual compound rate of 13.6%, wages increased only by 6.65%. This increase hardly compensated the worker for inflation. During the same period, the profits of the capitalists increased even more faster, at the compound rate of 17.5%. So, in these years when the capitalists infused better technology and machines and brought about an increase in productivity, and hence an increase in net value added by labour, the worker remained as impoverished as he was earlier. The working class should refute the claim of Indian capitalists and their conciliators within the working class movement that stepping up capitalist economic growth is the solution to eradicate poverty. As long as the working class is deprived of political power it cannot ensure that the fruits of economic growth benefit the vast majority of people. Only by establishing the rule of the working class and peasantry can the working people ensure that the Indian economy is oriented to serve their interests and that the surplus created in the economy is actually deployed to raise the quality of life of the working people. |
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The US-India strategic alliance is an imperialist alliance The US-India strategic alliance is a major question of controversy within our country. It is a question around which much confusion is being created to hide the reality. What is the content of this alliance and the context in which it had been formed? What are the respective aims and ambitions of the rulers of the United States and India, underlying this alliance? From what position should the Indian working class and people approach this question? The first point to be recognised is that this is an alliance between two capitalist-imperialist powers – the US and India – each pursuing its own aims. The second point is that US imperialism has taken the initiative to establish and strengthen this strategic alliance. And the third point to be noted is that the agreements signed by the Bush regime and the Manmohan Singh Government are but the next stage in the forging of this alliance that has been worked upon by the US administration and Indian governments over the past 15 years, quite irrespective of the parties that have been in power in these two countries in this period. The US-India alliance must be seen in the context of the increasing alienation of the US from peoples and countries all across the world, as a result of a host of factors. Amongst them, stands out the unilateralism that the US is pursuing in international relations, the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, its attempts to shut out its rivals in Europe and Asia from energy resources, the developing opposition to US imperialism from people and governments in Latin America. Last but not the least, it is getting increasingly discredited amongst the American working class as it attacks their rights and interests and pursues a racist, fascist and war mongering course. The US is relying increasingly on its military might and is facing increasing opposition from the people and governments in all continents. The declaration of a US-India strategic alliance in this context is a shot in the arm for US imperialism both at home and abroad. It is a hostile act by the Indian rulers against the anti-imperialist movement on the world scale. The rulers of the US and India have reached an agreement, for the time being, on some issues of potential conflict.. As is the case with all such alliances between capitalist-imperialist powers, the understanding will last only as long as the ‘balance of power’ remains the way it is today. This may not be for very long, given the extremely uneven development of capitalism at its present stage. The concrete substance of the understanding that has been reached will reveal itself fully over time. At this point, developments show that the US is encouraging the Indian bourgeoisie to pursue its ‘Look East’ policy, while as far as West and Central Asia are concerned, the US wants India to restrict its independent initiatives. In return, the US is promising sophisticated military hardware for the Indian Armed Forces, supply of nuclear fuel, keeping Pakistan's ambitions towards India on a leash, and a place for India in West and Central Asia under American command, as has been done in Afghanistan. Aims of US imperialism Faced with increased challenge to its economic supremacy, US imperialism is currently relying largely on its military supremacy to establish a uni-polar world under its dictate. It views the domination of Asia as an essential requirement and key challenge for world hegemony. The US interest in this strategic alliance with India must be viewed in the context that in the ongoing and future imperialist wars to establish its unrivaled domination over the world, it views India as a valuable ally because of its strategic location, and massive armed forces, backed by a growing economy. After several decades of relying principally on Pakistan and looking at India with some suspicion, as a Soviet ally in the Cold War context, US imperialism changed its South Asia policy in the post-Cold War period. At the centre of the South Asia policy of US imperialism in the post cold war period is the recognition of the role that India, as an imperialist power, in competition with China, and as a champion of market oriented reform, multi-party democracy and ‘good governance’ as defined by the Anglo-American bourgeoisie, could play an important role in the US strategy for domination of Asia and the world.. Expansion of Indian influence eastwards suits the interest of US imperialism, which views the rise of China as the principal obstacle to its aim of establishing its own domination of Asia. The US would like to use India to block China's advance, and at the same time put spokes in the development of n China - Russia - India alliance. Aims of the Indian Bourgeoisie The Indian bourgeoisie, at the head of a country of continental size and strategically located in Asia and the Indian Ocean region, with a massive armed forces equipped with sophisticated arms including nuclear weapons, has nurtured imperialist ambitions ever since it came to power in 1947. It has placed this imperialist pursuit in high gear at the present time, when India has emerged as one of the two most rapidly growing capitalist economies of the world, next only to China, while the most advanced economies are stagnating or growing slowly, driven by militarization and war as in the US and the UK. The history of capitalism, at its highest stage of imperialism, has shown that no emerging power can attain a dominant status within the imperialist system of states without acquiring both economic and military domination. The pursuit of the Indian bourgeoisie for big power status is by no means a peaceful pursuit based only on capitalist competition in the market. Capitalist competition has to be backed up by military might including a nuclear arsenal. With the promise of space and access to markets in US dominated territories, nuclear fuel and sophisticated military hardware, and the promise of "assistance" in securing energy security, the Indian bourgeoisie sees the strategic tie up with the US as an advantage in achieving its global imperialist aims. India is increasingly coordinating its West Asia and Central Asia policy with that of the US. At the same time, it is trying to keep its options open on the issue of energy security. It continues to pay importance to relations with China as well as Russia, to increase its maneuverability in the world arena in defence of its own interests. However, the more deeper it commits itself to the strategic alliance, the more difficult will it find to extricate itself from this alliance if and when it decides this alliance is not in its interests. Energy and military are such sectors that will decide the strength and future of this strategic alliance. India's space for maneuverability will inevitably reduce as this alliance strengthens. The Indian bourgeoisie, or at least its biggest and most dominant section, sees this alliance with US imperialism as the preferred path for India to become one of the big global powers of the 21 st century. However, such a course is fraught with disastrous consequences for the working class and vast majority of people of India and other countries in this region. It poses a serious threat to the movements for national self-determination in the northeast and northwest of India. A grave situation confronts the people of our country. Anti-imperialist position The working class and peoples of India and other countries in this region have many compelling reasons to oppose the US-India ‘strategic alliance’. Such an alliance increases the threat of US domination in the region, as well as the threat of getting embroiled in wars of imperialist aggression, conquest and re-division of the world. It brings with it a significant loss of sovereignty, in the sense of India agreeing to stop pursuing relations with Iran and other states in west and central Asia, which are the major sources of oil for India at present, without the concurrence of the US imperialists. At the same time, it gives further fillip to the ‘Look East’ policy of the Indian bourgeoisie, to expand its sphere of influence beyond its eastern and north-eastern borders. It also gives a boost to India playing the role of a big brother that will help establish multi-party democracy in other countries of the region, as is being attempted in Nepal. The working class and communist movement must demand and fight for a consistent and uncompromising anti-imperialist foreign policy. This means that we workers and communists must demand and fight for India building such alliances among countries that will weaken the hold of imperialism and expand the space for anti-imperialist forces. There exist several states in Asia, Africa and Latin America that are resisting the imperialist pressures and struggling to preserve their sovereign right to set their own course. India must seek alliances with such states, on the basis of common opposition to all forms of imperialist domination, interference and oppression. India must not ally with the criminal US imperialist state. This is what Indian communists can and must demand today. Principled opposition to the US-India alliance is a component part of organising to breach the imperialist chain, by bringing workers and peasants to power and opening the path to the revolutionary transformation of India. The communist and workers movement must close its flanks and wage a concerted struggle to demolish the imperialist US-India alliance as a component part of the struggle for establishing the rule of toilers and tillers in India. |
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Shanghai Cooperation Organisation holds fifth summit meeting On 15 June 2006, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) celebrated the 5th anniversary of its founding with a summit meeting in Shanghai, China. The SCO is a six-member organisation comprising Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan. India, along with Mongolia, Pakistan and Iran, has observer status in the SCO. Afghanistan was represented at this Summit by its President and is seeking observer status as well along with Belarus. Iran and Pakistan were represented at the summit by their Presidents, Mr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Parvez Musharraf. However, it is significant that India’s Prime Minister did not attend it personally though he was specifically invited, and was represented instead by the Minister for Petroleum and Natural Gas, Mr Murli Deora. The SCO is a vehicle through which China and Russia are trying to block the advance of US imperialism in Central Asia and advance their own strategic interests in Asia. During the summit, the heads of the SCO countries signed ten documents covering issues ranging from information security, anti-terrorism measures and economic and financial cooperation. The SCO has been holding joint military drills since 2003. This military cooperation is viewed by the US as a sign that the group is emerging as a military grouping aimed at squeezing American influence in the region. The SCO's growing influence has been made possible by the dramatic improvement of Sino-Russian ties over the past few years, with increasing bilateral trade as well as settlement of the Sino-Russian border dispute in 2004. Recently China's President said Sino-Russian relations had reached an "unprecedented high" and were embedded with an "obvious strategic ingredient." India's observer Mr Deora said that the Indian government is keen to associate itself fully with the SCO and identified energy security as a key area for mutual cooperation. Many of the Central Asian members of the SCO are oil – rich states. The Iranian President Mr. Ahmadinejad offered energy cooperation to SCO member countries. He said that Iran was ready to host a meeting of Energy Ministers from SCO countries to explore more effective cooperation in the exploration, exploitation, transport and processing of oil and gas. Pakistan's President Mr. Pervez Musharraf said that Pakistan would like to emerge as a hub for trade and economic cooperation for SCO nations. Iran and Pakistan are trying to become permanent members of the SCO, and Iran’s request is already being seriously considered. As expected, this is not to the liking of the western powers, especially the US. At a regional security conference in Singapore in early June 2006, the US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld criticised the SCO for considering membership for Iran, calling it a “leading terrorist nation”. It is also noteworthy that the US itself has been denied observer status by the SCO. For its part, the US too has tried to create its own “Greater Central Asia” initiative as a grouping of countries friendly to the US, in order to counter the growing influence of the SCO, but without marked success so far. At last year's summit meeting, the SCO issued a declaration calling for the US to set a deadline for withdrawing air bases in Uzbekistan and Kyrgystan, set up in the wake of the Afghan invasion of 2001. Uzbekistan subsequently evicted the US and Kyrgystan demanded a 100-fold increase in the rent on its base when the lease expired on May 31, 2006. These developments reveal the sharpening of inter imperialist contradictions over Central Asia and the increasing challenge faced by the US in its drive to dominate Asia. |
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Beware of the attempts to divide the workers and toilers Dear Sir, I had the opportunity to read the article on `Caste-based reservation policy and the communist approach’ in the June 16-30 issue 12 of MEL. This article is definitely an eye opener for the workers and toilers of the country. The Indian ruling circle and its political parties is trying to fragment the workers and toilers of the country --- ‘for’ or ‘against’ caste based reservation. Its purpose is clear that dividing the Indian people and ruling them, just as our English rulers in the past had in the name of justice had used the weapon of reservation. The Communist Parties in the country which could said to be tailing the Congress, such as the CPM and CPI, which are supporting the caste based reservation and are giving the message to the Indian working class that social justice without revolution and can be brought about by reforming activities, just as the Indian ruling class says. The biggest tragedy in the path of the revolution of the Indian working and labouring class is that so many of our Communists are Marxists only in name, and that they have no science left. In the long period of the past 55 years in Indian state has not been able to eliminate society’s social stratification, inequality, discrimination, unemployment, backward consciousness etc. It follows that, through the magic wand of caste based reservation it has definitely made itself even stronger. The comrades of CPM and CPI are probably getting interested in opportunistic caste based politics, I feel from their activities. If really the Communist Parties want to rescue the working and toiling sections, then they should abandon the line of ‘for’ or ‘against’ caste based reservation, and instead present the true picture of the politcal and economic system of the capitalist class which is power, in front of the workers and the peasants. They should organize the working class to lead the exploited masses to overthrow the exploitation based system and prepare to install the worker-toiler rule. Only then Indian society can attain salvation. On the other hand, the reforming ideas of the Communists in power, in reality gives importance to the belief that the exploitation based political and economic system can be reformed slightly, the present capitalist system is by far the best. We communists must fight these ideas. Yours etc. |
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A scheme to break our united opposition Dear Sir, In the June 16-30 issue 12 of MEL, I read the article on the reservation issue. It is very much worth appreciating. The article explains fully how the bourgeoisie divides the entire society on the basis of caste based reservation. There is only purpose to this; how to make itself stronger and how to divide India. It is my belief that this issue has been raised at a time when the youth and working class of the country is unitedly opposing the new economic policies and reforms. The bourgeoisie is worried about how to stop this opposition --- thus, bringing in caste based reservation in higher education. Its effects can also be seen, that all the reactionary forces are either against it or are supporting it, which is what I see. If we, the workers and toilers want our progress, then we should repudiate the line of being ‘for’ or ‘against’ the Indian state and the bourgeois sponsored reservations and overthrow this set of exploitative arrangements and establish the rule of workers and toilers. Only then in the real sense can education and equality can be ensured. As long as we think that we can stay in this set up and make some reforms and provide rights for all, this would be our biggest mistake. History of human society is the witness to the fact that arrangements based on looting cannot be for the progress of the entire society. The super-exploitative big bourgeoisie has already taken total control of all affairs, and the Government and state power is at their beck and call. They leave some crumbs for the exploited, so that on the basis of reservation to get their share they may have life and death dog fights over them, and not raise their voices against the exploitative bourgeoisies arrangements. Yours etc. |
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The worker-peasant struggle in unnav is gaining strength MEL has received a communication that in Safipur, Unnav (Uttar Pradesh) there is an enthusiastic campaign by several unions and organizations uniting workers and peasants. Arising from this campaign, on May 12, 2006 there was a vast demonstration of peasants and workers demanding the right to life and to employment. On this occasion, the participating organizations issued a press release in which, among other issues that were raised was "the Government in a fully conscious manner is harassing villages, economic-social-cultural-ethical, in every sphere, so that village dwellers who constitute seventy percent of the country's population may just roam around like animals. Due to shortage of employment, the youth of villages quickly migrate to cities and in their helplessness sell their labour for a pittance to earn a livelihood. Those left behind, for lack of jobs turn to drug addiction, gambling and other unspeakable habits and become so entrapped in them that they become a burden on society. With Police-rule and the assistance of parties using vote bank politics, all sorts of evils are openly encouraged in the country side. In this atrocious situation, the life of women turns into an even bigger hell. Simple and industrious village life is being turned into depraved and idle existence. "In this situation, development projects that come either trap the poor in debts, or displace them from the land, so that the path for the rich to carry out contract farming may be cleared.... In the village there is neither electricity nor water. Health and education situation is even worse. There is a shortage of every facility that is needed for a human existence. In reality, eighty percent of the country's population, i.e., the workers and peasants are not considered human in this system. The joys of the homes of peasants is locked in the vaults of the looters. Whether in the city or in the village, the worker is forced into leading his life as an animal. He must work his bone and flesh to grow grain and other essential goods so that a handful of capitalists may accumulate wealth. This is the democracy of the rich --- not that of the toilers. "Which is why the question is how can we create a democracy of the workers, of the peasants? How can the toilers get the rule into their hands? So far we have placed in front of the democracy of the rich the matters of justice, of concessions, and of facilities. However, they have thrown them into the rubbish bin and are doing as they please. We now have no choice but to fight. In other words, the workers have to march forward to establish democracy. "We must break this system in which political parties depend on vote banks. To become the vote bank of any party is not just insulting but also results in the weakening of the fight to get political power into the hands of the people. The fight to establishing the power of the people necessitates new methods, new organizations, new leadership and new culture. Although there are great difficulties in the present circumstances, these are also the right circumstances for establishing the rule of the workers and peasants. The old rule has become totally rotten and has become redundant in every way. It is not just wrong to pull along with this, but it is also unethical. This grave injustice can be smashed by a strong union of workers and peasants. We have to firmly resolve to achieve this and to move ahead.'' The participating organizations in the rally demanded educational facilities, water-electricity, health services, women and social welfare programmes, agricultural lands for Dalits-Adivasasis and the landless - the workers and peasants of Unnav are being organised around these demands. |
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People's Voice (English Fortnightly) - Web Edition |
On June 22, Manmohan Singh met with the visiting Sri Lankan Foreign Minister and conveyed to him the Indian government’s “concern” over the situation in Sri Lanka. Manmohan Singh “advised” the Sri Lankan Minister that his government should “show restraint” in dealing with the escalating crisis there. Before this, noises were made by the government of Tamilnadu also, expressing its concern and demanding that it too be kept informed about the developments in Sri Lanka. This follows a period in which the Indian High Commission in Colombo has increasingly actively begun interfering in the internal politics of Sri Lanka.
