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Internet Edition: July 1-15, 2005
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VOICE OF PARTY
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June 1998 - December 2004 2005: Feb 16-28 | Mar 1-15 | Mar 16-31 | Apr 1-15 | Apr 16-30 | May 1-15 | May 16-31 | June 1-15 |
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Upcoming Indo-US Summits:
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Washington on July 18, 2005 will be followed by a visit of President Bush to New Delhi at the end of 2005. These visits are taking place in the context of the US pursuit of a ‘strategic dialogue’ with India at this time. The official statement from Washington states that the summit agenda is to focus on “all aspects of bilateral relations including energy, economic and strategic elements”. The Indo-US relations that are being sought to be developed can have grave consequences for the future of the nations and nationalities of Asia as well as for the fate of peace in this continent and in the world. The issue of a pan-Asian energy grid is high on the agenda of the Indo-US dialogue. The US imperialists are seeking to lure India into an alternative energy supply arrangement to the Iran-Pakistan-India and Iran-India-China oil pipelines. They have offered India a top-of-the-line version of the F-16, hi-tech defense and space satellites and launch vehicles, Patriot and Arrow missiles, and access to civilian nuclear technology. David Mulford, the US ambassador to India, has said that the US and India are “poised to a partnership that will be crucial in shaping the international order in the 21st century”. The strategic essence of the Bush doctrine, as summed up by the newspaper The Australian in its May 21, 2005 issue, considers India as a “second Asian giant, capitalist, multicultural and democratic, which will exert a gravitational pull that must limit China’s aspiration as a future hegemon and help balance its rise”. This is irrespective of whether or not India can overtake China some time in this century. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, if he has any self respect and regard for the sovereignty of the peoples of Asia, ought to ask the American imperialists to stop meddling in Asia. The United States is not an Asian country. It is not the owner of the energy resources of the Asian continent. It has no legitimate claim to sit at the table when Asian countries formulate their energy policies. The fact is that the militarist approach of US imperialism to dominate the energy resources of Asia are failing miserably. US imperialism is looking desperately for a diplomatic alternative to pursue its goal of a unipolar world under its dictate. In such conditions, India must not step forward to facilitate the US to architect the future energy infrastructure of the region. Bilateral collaboration in the energy sector between the US and India for technology and investment cannot and must not be used as a smokescreen to hide the pan-Asian energy agenda of US imperialism and its allies. Discussion of energy issues in Asia must be out of bounds in any Indo-US discussion. This is because only the peoples of the region have the right to decide how best their resources can be developed and shared to meet their needs. The strategic element of the Indo-US engagement has been revealing itself in recent times, especially since the US Secretary of State Ms. Condelizza Rice made her stop in New Delhi in March 2005. Her ‘strategic dialogue’ with India was described by the US State Department as “discussion of global issues, the kind of issues you would discuss with a world power”. Ms. Rice presented to the Indian government the outline of the broader US-India strategic relationship, one level higher than the Clinton-Vajapayee strategic partnership declaration of 2000 designed to “help India become a major power in the 21st century”. The US State Department has explicitly clarified that the US understands the “full implications, including the military implications, of that statement” – namely, that the US will help India become a major power in the 21st century. According to Mr. Manmohan Singh, how India manages globalization through “diplomacy that underwrites entrepreneurship, markets and technology” will determine India’s new role in the world. Mr. Sanjay Baru, his press spokesperson, says, “India’s views are moving in parallel with the US and the Anglo-Saxon world” but “it has a mind of its own on each issue” and is ready to manage the US embrace on its own terms. Should India accept the embrace of the US imperialists on any terms at all? That is the real question. Should Manmohan Singh accept the embrace of George Bush? The working class and people of India and our neighbouring countries stand to lose, not gain, from India becoming a ‘strategic partner’ of US imperialism. The Indian big bourgeoisie eyes the economic possibilities of closer relations with the US, to gain access to its markets and to the expansion of American firms outsourcing various components and services from India. For the sake of pocketing super-profits and becoming a big power in its own right, the Indian big bourgeoisie is willing to sell out national sovereignty. Indian rulers since the time of Nehru have had empire building ambitions . In contrast, the ambition of the Indian working class and working peoples is to build a political and economic system that will ensure their progress and contribute towards the progress of all the peoples. The agenda of empire building is the anti-thesis of building the India of workers, peasants, professionals, women and youth of all nations, nationalities and tribes. The US attempts to forge a strategic alliance with India, in the name of helping India become a big power in the 21st century, are aimed at weakening the position of China and deepening the division and infighting among the Asian states. Such a ‘strategic alliance’ will be imperialist in nature. It will be an arrangement built on the backs of the workers, peasants and broad masses of working people in the countries of Asia. The Indian working class and people must raise their voices now to demand that the Prime Minister of India must not accept the US embrace. He must unequivocally tell the Americans to stop meddling in the affairs of Asia. Matters of principle must take precedence over economic and commercial considerations. India must not emerge as the vehicle for the further economic and military penetration of Asia by American imperialism. We must not allow our country to be embroiled in inter-imperialist wars for the plunder and redivision of Asia. |
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Privatisation must be opposed in all its forms, as a matter of principle In the last week of May, the Congress-led UPA government unilaterally announced the decision to disinvest 10 per cent of the government’s 67 per cent share in Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited (BHEL), a profit-making public sector company and one of the nine ‘gems’ or Navaratnas. Justifying the decision, Finance Minister Chidambaram claimed that the proceeds from this sale will be put into the National Investment Fund and used for social services or investing in other publicly owned companies. He is arguing that even though this is a profit making company and one of the Navaratnas, it is okay to gradually privatise it so long as the sale proceeds are put to good use. He also announced that 15 per cent of the shares being disinvested will be reserved for the employees of BHEL. Disinvestment is one form of privatisation, which is more gradual than outright sale. It means to sell the asset in successive doses. One third of the government’s shareholding in BHEL has already been sold and another 10% will be sold now, bringing the share of government ownership down to 57%. The Congress Party led UPA Government came to power claiming that it will follow a policy that is different and better than that followed by the BJP-led NDA Government. Whereas the previous government had privatised indiscriminately, the present government promised that it will be selective. This policy of ‘selective privatisation’ was incorporated in the National Common Minimum Program, with the support of the CPI(M) and other communists in the Parliament. The decision to sell 10% of BHEL shares exposes the real content of ‘selective privatisation’. According to this policy, one of the stated guidelines was that only loss making enterprises should be sold, not profit making ones. The fact that BHEL is one of the most profitable companies in the public sector shows that the UPA Government is not serious about the above mentioned guideline. It shows that this guideline itself was only a ruse to deceive the working class and people. Privatisation is a program that benefits the big monopoly capitalists, Indian and international, by expanding the space for them to reap the maximum rate of profit. It is a program to expand the domain of private profiteering at the expense of the public domain. It does not benefit but in fact harms the working class, by intensifying the degree of exploitation of labour. It does not benefit but harms the broad masses of people, by increasing the degree of domination of the big capitalists over their lives and intensifying the degree of plunder through hikes in tariffs and “user charges” for public goods and services. For all the reasons cited above, the working class and people must oppose privatisation of any public asset. It does not matter whether the privatisation is carried out gradually or all at once. It does not matter if the company is making profits or losses, or how the sale proceeds will be used. The opposition to privatisation is a matter of principle. Privatisation must be opposed because it is anti-worker and anti-social, and an attack on basic rights. The central government, by selling public assets, is arrogating to itself a right that belongs to the various peoples who inhabit this ancient land. Assets that have been inherited over centuries, such as lakes, forests and other natural resources, belong to the nation, nationality or people who have inhabited that territory and humanised it. Assets that have been created through human labour belong to society as a whole. The working class and oppressed peoples of India can and must contest the right of the Government of India to sell what belongs to the people. The UPA Government is implementing the same policy as the previous government, accompanied by an elaborate drama that is intended to make the working class reconcile itself to this policy. The adoption of ‘selective privatisation’ as part of the National Common Minimum Programm and the disbanding of the Ministry of Disinvestment were the initial acts in this drama. The creation of a National Investment Fund was another. Offering part of the shares of BHEL to the workers is yet another tactic aimed at gaining the acceptance of the working class to the privatisation program. Holding regular meetings with the leaders of CPI(M) is also part of the drama being enacted to deceive the working class. Privatisation represents the drive of monopoly capital, which the working class must oppose as a matter of principle. To accept ‘selective privatisation’ is tantamount to class conciliation. Whether it is on the question of Centaur privatisation or Modern Foods, or for that matter the slew of disinvestments that are in the pipeline after BHEL, those who are part of the working class movement should take a consistent and principled stand. There is an urgent need for the entire working class of India to stand united against any form of privatisation and for the demand that earlier privatisation measures should be reversed. |
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Condemn state repression of the peasants of Tonk!
People’s Voice condemns the brutal and barbaric killing of peasants and working people by the Rajasthan Armed Police on June 13th. Five people, including a pregnant woman, were mowed down in indiscriminate police firing. As we go to the press, one person continues to hover between life and death in the Sawai Man Singh Hospital in Jaipur. Over 50 people suffered bullet injuries, including four seriously. Many more injured have not reported to the hospitals for fear of state persecution. Jeerana and other villages of the region have been turned into armed camps. False FIRs have been filed by the police against 47 peasants. These include FIRs against those killed, those injured, those who never participated in the rasta roko, as well as truck drivers who had been forced to stop at the rasta roko! People's Voice condemns the state repression against the peasants of Tonk district. All cases against the people must be immediately withdrawn. The police officer who led the firing, SI Khalil Ahmed, the SHO of PS Piplu, District Tonk, must be immediately arrested and charged under Section 302. The Rajasthan government must immediately announce a time bound plan for the provision of the water of the Bisalpur Dam to the villages of Tonk District. Reporters of the Mazdoor Ekta Lehar visited the affected villages on June 17 and June 18. They met the wounded in the Sawai Man Singh Hospital, Jaipur, and received a first hand account of the incidents. They visited the homes of the five people who lost their lives in Sohail Village, Jeerana Village, and Bawdi Village. They spoke to literally hundreds of people, both those involved in the agitation, as well as others. What came through was the faith of the villagers in the justice of their cause and their determination to carry the struggle through till the water of Bisalpur Dam reaches their homes and fields. The villagers declared - "the souls of the martyrs will not rest in peace until water comes to these villages." The kin of those killed boldly declared - "we will return the cheques given by the government unless water comes to our villages." 125 villages are involved in the agitation. The Bisalpur Dam on the Banas river is full of water. The dam is hardly 15-20 Km distance from the villages. The water from the dam is being used to supply drinking water to Ajmer and Sawai Madhopur. Now plans are afoot to take the water to Jaipur city, over a hundred and fifty kilometers away. The villagers are extremely angry that they do not have drinking water, their fields are parched, and they have to leave their homes and go to far away places to work as labourers simply because successive governments of Rajasthan have refused to provide them water. The Rajasthan government is adopting a dual strategy to crush the just struggle of the peasantry for water. On the one hand, it is hounding the activists and leaders of the agitation, threatening them with arrest, and so on. On the other hand, it is trying to discredit the struggle by making out that it is a Congress inspired agitation. At the same time, it is spreading rumours that it is technically not possible to bring water from Bisalpur Dam to the agitating villages. The fighting people are dismissing these attacks with the contempt it deserves. As Gopal Singh of Jeerana Village pointed out, if anyone is the architect of this agitation, it is the Rajasthan government of Vasundhara Raje and the MP and MLA of the area. Before the last Assembly Elections, and during her Parivartan Yatra through the District, Shrimati Raje had declared that if her party was elected to power, her government would immediately provide the water of Bisalpur Dam to the villages of the District. The same promise was repeated a few months later by the current MP of the area during his election campaign. Other peasants declared that we know how to dig canals and bring water from the Dam to our village. We can do it ourselves. The Government is talking of connecting all the rivers of India. And here they claim water cannot be brought over a distance of hardly 20 km. The peasants have declared that they will intensify the struggle at any cost. If the state arrests any of their leaders, they will take it as an attack on the entire peasantry. |
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Who controls the stock market?
Does the stock market reflect the health of the Indian economy? Are these peaks and troughs in the stock market related to the ups and downs of the Indian economy or are they being manipulated by some forces? These are questions in everybody’s mind, particularly the millions of small stock owners who have been lured into buying some shares. Firstly, did the Indian economy go through such wild aberrations in the recent 2 years necessitating the downswing and the upswing in the stock prices? The answer is, no! The Indian economy grew at more or less a steady pace in the last two years. Productive capacities did not increase dramatically as suggested by the stock prices. The wild swings can be only explained by the activity of speculative forces who have enormous control over the stock market so that they could make the Sensex go up and down like a ping pong. Financial institutions, Indian and foreign, who had control over immense financial resources brought in huge amounts of money to buy stocks, and when the prices rose substantially, exited the market after selling the shares at a handsome profit. Those who bought into the stock market and then exited at the right time made windfall profits. The Foreign Institutional Investors manipulate the stock market If the movements in the Sensex during these 2 years are compared with the money brought in by foreign institutional investors (FIIs) (see Box), then it is clear that there is a close relationship between the two. For example, between April to December 2004, the FIIs accounted for nearly 40% of the trading volume in the market. This is the period when the Sensex reached an all-time high. Whenever FII activity increased in the stock market, speculative activity in the market also increased. As of September 2004, FIIs owned nearly 22% of the stocks of the 30 companies whose stock prices determine the Sensex. These are large multinationals. In some of the companies, the FIIs owned a substantial share of stocks. For example, the FIIs owned close to 54 per cent in the case of Satyam Computers and 63 per cent in the case of HDFC of the shares available for sale. All this means that the FIIs can make the Indian stock market boom or crash at will. They can suddenly withdraw their investments and take them to another destination and cause a stock crash in India. They can also come back with their moneybags and gobble up the stocks at very low prices when the stock market is in a downswing. The Indian financial monopolies are also in the game The Indian financial institutions such as the UTI, LIC and the public and private sector banks are also major investors in the Indian stock market. In 2004, they owned around 15% of the stocks. They closely coordinate with the FII investment entry and exit and engage in manipulation to earn super profits on their investments. In fact, FIIs have invested heavily into the shares of Indian financial institutions too such as HDFC and various banks. Liberalisation in the financial sector has paved the way for Indian financial monopolies to speculate in the stock market. The bankruptcy of Global Trust Bank and the Nedungadi Bank, when millions of small investors lost their life savings, were the result of increased exposure of Indian financial institutions to speculation in the stock market. Speculation raises the risk faced by small savers The stock market is used for making profits purely through speculation and not by the creation of any assets. The foreign institutional investors and the Indian financial institutions act as a cartel to fool the small saver into investing his or her hard earned money into stocks. It is important for the working class to take a stand against speculative investments in the stock market, because thousands of small savers get hoodwinked by big finance capital every day in the stock market. More and more, public and private sector banks, insurance companies, pension funds and mutual funds have been using an increasing part of people’s savings to speculate in the stock market and earn profits for the big capitalists and foreign multinationals. This should be ended immediately. The working class should demand from the Indian state that people’s savings should not be used for speculative activity and that Indian and foreign financial monopolies should not be allowed to deprive the Indian people of security of their life savings.
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Condemn the arrest of Simranjit Singh Mann! Down with state terrorism and the violation of the right to conscience! Simranjit Singh Mann, leader of Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar), was arrested from Sangrur district of Punjab on 13th June on the charge of ‘sedition’. He has been charged with having raised “pro-Khalistan slogans” and for having delivered “provocative speeches”. He is reported to have talked of a future vision of forming a state by merging areas of Punjab from both India and Pakistan. Mann resigned from the Indian Police Service in protest against the attack on the Golden temple, called ‘Operation Bluestar’ in June 1984. He won a seat in the Lok Sabha in 1989, when he was in jail; and he refused to enter the Parliament because of not being allowed to take with him his kirpan, or traditional sword. Following his arrest, Mann is reported to have stated that his arrest has been ordered by the Amarinder Singh government in Punjab at the behest of the rival Akali leader Parkash Singh Badal and the SGPC Chief Bibi Jagir Kaur, whose mentor is Vajpayee. He has also demanded a CBI probe into the way he has been treated by the police. This is not the first time that the Indian state has persecuted someone for the view held by that person. The Government of India has a track record of political persecution and blatant violation of the right to conscience. It is to be noted that state terrorism is being stepped up in Punjab precisely at a time when broad masses of workers and peasants are stepping up their struggles against their deteriorating conditions and against the privatisation and liberalisation program. Workers of the Punjab State Electricity Board have become active in opposing the government’s plan for power sector privatisation. Peasants in several districts are waging a determined battle in defence of their right to secure livelihood and to affordable and reliable supply of water and electricity. Any attack on the right to conscience of any political personality in Punjab must be opposed as a matter of principle. We must not allow ourselves to be diverted by the question of whether or not one agrees with the views of the person being attacked. In this particular case, as always, the ruling bourgeois class wants to involve everyone in discussing the personality and views of the victim, Simranjit Singh Mann, to divert attention from the real issue that the right to conscience is under attack. If it is Mann being targeted today, any other political personality could become the target tomorrow. Those who seek solutions to political problems beyond the framework of the existing Indian Union are deemed to pose a security threat and liable to be charged with ‘sedition’, which means to wage war against the state. To accept this logic means that Indians must never even think of going beyond the present day political arrangements, which are a legacy of colonialism and aimed at negating the rights of the peoples. The British colonialists established an India defined on the basis of the territory they had conquered. The Government of India Act of 1935 did not recognise the identity of any of the nations and peoples who have been inhabiting this subcontinent from ancient times. It did not recognise the right of these nations and peoples to determine their own political destiny. The Constitution of the Indian Union adopted in 1950 retained the colonial definition of India contained in the 1935 Act. The states of India and Pakistan that were created in 1947 and legitimised over the following years are not instruments for safeguarding and guaranteeing the rights of the numerous nations and peoples of this subcontinent. On the contrary, both these states were created by the colonial ruler on the eve of his departure, in the midst of a communal Partition aimed at weakening the peoples of this subcontinent. The post-colonial states of India and Pakistan were created in the image of the state of Great Britain, as instruments for empire building and suppression of national rights. Life experience is revealing the illegitimacy of the Indian Union as it was constituted in 1950. But to question its legitimacy invites the charge of sedition and the threat of being hounded by the police and paramilitary forces. It is the duty of all communists and justice loving peoples to unite in defence of the right to conscience, and in condemnation of state terrorism. An attack on one is an attack on all! The arrest of Mann must be condemned without any qualifications, as an act of state terrorism and political persecution. The working class and people must demand his immediate and unconditional release. |
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Down with state repression and attack on the livelihood of the Punjab peasantry! Support the just struggle of the peasantry of Punjab! Over 1100 farmers were arrested by the Punjab Adminstration on June 9 and June 10 in order to prevent a rally of farmers on June 10 at Tapa mandi, Barnala District. The government sealed all points leading to the town. It put up barricades at 21 places and arrested 225 farmer leaders and activists who were on their way to Tapa for the rally. As many as 84 leaders/activists of the BKU Ekta (Sidhupur) were arrested by the Barnala police. Over 60 people were arrested while detraining at Bhatinda station. To thwart the rally, even in adjoining districts like Bhatinda, Sangrur, Mansa and Moga, the police checked buses, tractor-trailers and other vehicles. Police arrested farmers at different railway stations in Punjab as well. In an effort to foil the farmers’ rally, the police had arrested about 400 farmer leaders and workers. The police also sealed dozens of villages in the cotton belt. Police posts had also been set up on the district borders of Bhatinda, Mansa, Sangrur, and Moga. People’s Voice condemns the state terror unleashed on the peasantry of Punjab by the Punjab government. The call for the rally was given by the Bharatiya Kisan Union Ekta (Sidhupur) to demand punishment for an Artiya (commission agent) who had attacked farmers in Tapa mandi. The Bharatiya Kisan Union Ekta (Ugraha) had also declared its support for this rally. The general secretary of BKU Ekta (Ugraha), Sukhdev Singh Kokri, said they would hold protest rallies in villages on June 10 instead of attending the main rally. He alleged that the police was openly favouring commission agents and said the farmers would not bow before injustice. Farmers of Punjab organised dharnas in front of offices of Executive Engineers of the Punjab State Electricity Board on June 21 to focus attention of the government on their long outstanding demands. On the same day, activists and leaders of the Bharatiya Kisan Union Ekta (Sidhupur), led by Pishora Singh Sidhupur held a dharna and a rally in front of the office of the Deputy Commissioner in Sangrur. The protesters were demanding unconditional release of remaining 30 farmer leaders and activists, lodged in jails of Sangrur, Ludhiana, Ferozepore, Barnala and Bhatinda in connection with the June 10 Tapa rally. The farmers have declared they will organise flag marches from July 1 to July 15 in the state against the anti-farmer policies of the state government. According to Sukhdev Singh Kokri Kalan, General Secretary, Bharatiya Kisan Union (Ekta), Kanwal Preet Singh Pannu, Convener, Kisan Sangarsh Committee, and Lehembar Singh Taggar, General Secretary, Punjab Kisan Sabha, farmers have taken the path of struggle because of the anti-peasant policies of the Amarinder Singh Government. The government is attacking the peasantry from all sides. It has launched a “loan recovery program”, and arrest warrants have been issued against farmers in the cotton belt who have not been able to clear their debts. Farmers have been forced to go underground to evade arrest. (See box) On the other side, it is increasing the electricity tariffs by 10 % and carrying out major power supply cuts in rural and urban areas. Because of low voltage, farmers are not able to run their pumps. Farmers are demanding 24-hour supply to domestic consumers and a minimum of 16 hours uninterrupted supply to tubewells. The farmers are extremely agitated at the recent order by the Punjab State Power Regulatory Commission proposing a 10 per cent increase in the charges for electric supply. Their demands include scrapping of the proposal for the unbundling of the Punjab State Electricity Board. The kisan leaders have called for unconditional release of all farmers arrested by the police at Tapa and other places. They have demanded that the government immediately withdraw the policy of arresting of farmers for loan recoveries, which is humiliating and torturing the peasantry, forcing many to go underground, and even to commit suicide, as the farmers cannot bear the shame of being labelled as criminals and defaulters. The kisan organisations have repeated the demand for free supply of water and power to farmers, as was promised in the election manifesto of the Congress Party when it came to power in Punjab three years back. They have demanded that all power and water bills outstanding against farmers be waived, and the recent hike announced in the power tariff be withdrawn.
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There is no real control and audit The Comptroller and Auditor General (or the CAG as he is commonly referred to) has been in the news recently for the report issued by his office on the sale of the Centaur Hotel in Mumbai in 2002. The CAG took up the audit of this transaction in the month of February 2004. Preliminary report from the CAG was received in January 2005. Reply of the Government to the preliminary report was sent to the CAG in the month of January 2005. The final report of CAG was submitted to Parliament on May 6, 2005 and has been the subject of heated discussion in and outside the Parliament. Who or what is the CAG and what is the function of this office? The CAG is appointed by the President of India for a term of six years. The CAG is supposed to audit financial transactions of the central and state governments. It is responsible for investigating whether the central and state governments have followed the “norms” of public spending. Every year, the CAG is expected to submit, to the President, a detailed report relating to the central governments’ accounts, spending of public money and the performance of Public Sector Units. This report is tabled in Parliament where it is expected to be discussed and action taken as appropriate. Similarly, reports are submitted to the governments of states and Union territories, which they in turn are supposed to table in the respective state legislatures. It must be noted that the Central government has the power to decide which departments must be audited and which must not be audited. For instance, CAG does not audit the armed forces or the intelligence services among other things. Transactions with foreign states are not audited. The CAG has the discretionary power to decide to do only a superficial audit of certain departments. In sum, the powers of the CAG even in terms of auditing are curtailed by the law. Over the years, the CAG has pointed out in every audit report, several hundreds of “irregularities” in the decisions made by government officials while spending public funds, such as diversion of funds, short collection of taxes or losses incurred by PSUs. Recently, the CAG had identified and pointed out several irregularities in which “urgent” supplies of ammunition and defence equipment were purchased in connection with the Kargil operations, when in fact not more than 1% was actually received before the military engagement ended. These supplies were found by the CAG to be well below quality standards and varying widely from stated and required specifications. Although ministries and departments have been found to be committing such irregularities while spending public money, the CAG does not have the power to summon the concerned ministers and seek explanations for their decisions. Similarly, the CAG does not have the power to penalise those causing losses to the exchequer. The CAG’s scope of work and its powers are symptomatic of the farce of “control” and “accountability” that is the character of bourgeois democracy. This system boasts of several checks and balances that have been instituted by law and in some case even by Constitutional Law, to ensure that public money is not squandered or does not leak out from where it is supposed to be spent. However, it is a well known fact that money is made by the ministers and other functionaries in the various lucrative deals, with certain ministries being extremely “priced”, such as the Defence Ministry as well as the ministries controlling different public sector undertakings. In the bourgeois parliamentary system that exists in India, supreme power vests in the hands of the executive. There is no limit on executive’s powers; the cabinet acts in the interest of the ruling class and legislature is there just to legitimise its actions. All expenditures are made by the executive and the political parties fight with each other for control of government precisely to have the keys to the exchequer. They use this to benefit the bourgeois class as a whole, as well as their favourites and they also line up their own pockets. This is one of the factors behind the drive of individuals to get important ministries. Within this system, the CAG is supposed to “moderate” the loot of the exchequer by pointing out gross irregularities that violate even the norms set by the government in erxpenditures. It is not meant to question the government’s policy. It is not as if CAG investigations and reports are totally ignored. They are often found to be very useful to the bourgeoisie and its political parties to settle scores with each other. There is generally no urgency in completion of investigation and tabling of reports, no worthwhile discussion on it and absolutely no action on it. However, when one parliamentary party or a set of parliamentary allies find it a good weapon to use against their opponents, then the Report is released, it is tabled and there is pandemonious discussion and loud calls for action to punish those who “misused” public funds. However, no one is punished for their wrong doings. The system does not have any mechanism whereby the guilty can be punished. Many CAG reports have been prepared and never made public. In fact, when Arun Shourie as Disinvestment Minister was confronted with cases of under valuation of public sector units (like BALCO, Modern Food, etc), he had claimed that the matter was under check audit by the CAG. But if there were such audits, they have not been made public! There is no statutory requirement for CAG reports to be made public within a stipulated time. While the CAG’s findings on the Centaur Hotel cases have come to light, there are numerous others, which are lost to the public forever (for instance see box on Grant-in-aid Schemes)
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Peasants’ mega-gathering in Khajuwala, Bikaner We will not allow even a drop’s reduction in water supply Peasants’ struggle for water is intensifying further in the Indira Gandhi Canal Phase – I area. Thousands of peasants participated in a mega-gathering organised by the Kisan Mazdoor Vyapari Sanghrash Samiti on 16 June 2005 in Khajuwala, Bikaner. It may be recalled that last year peasants fought a long drawn battle in Rawala-Ghadsana in which four peasants laid their lives. Thereafter they entered into an agreement with the government on 11 December 2004 that brought their struggle to a halt. Now the Sangharsh Samiti is accusing the government of breaking the agreement. Peasants from Phase-I area are not getting the agreed upon quantity of 58% of the water. Government is trying to divide the Phase-I and Phase-II peasants. It is also trying hard to divide the urban and rural population. The peasants from Phase-I area clarified that they were not against the Phase-II peasants and urban people. The mega-gathering in Khajuwala Grain Market started at 11 in the morning with peasants coming in from different places. Peasants from Rawala, Ghadsana, Anupgarh and Suratgarh participated in large numbers. The struggle was led by Hetram Beniwal. |
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Hail the 31st Shaheed Bhagat Singh Tournament in Canada!
The 31st Shaheed Bhagat Singh Tournament was successfully held in Malton, Ontario, on 18th June. This tournament has been held every year since 1975, which is a remarkable achievement by any standards. It is held in a spirit of unity and progress, symbolised by the slogan, “Friendship first, competition second!”
The South Asian community eagerly took up the task of making this event a big success this year. The two day event was attended by over 10,000 people. Kuldip Kulaar and Vick Dhillon, members of the provincial parliament, came to watch the tournament and participate in the festivities. The sports events included kabaddi, basketball and volleyball. There were senior teams, children’s teams and above-40 teams that participated in these sports. Addressing the enthusiastic crowd, a representative of the Desh Bhagat Sports & Cultural Club recalled the sacrifice of our martyrs and the aspirations for which they gave their lives. He recalled the heroism of the Hindustani Ghadar Party. He condemned the attack on the Golden Temple by the Indian armed forces 21 years ago, in June 1984, as an attack on the entire people of Punjab. He highlighted the fact that the political and economic system prevailing in India is contrary to the aspirations of our martyrs; hence the struggle for those aspirations continues till today. A minute’s silence was observed in memory of all the people who have been killed in communal massacres and other forms of state organised terror in South Asia. A strong desire that was expressed by the masses of people who participated in the tournament was that the South Asians in the Toronto area should have their own sports stadium, where such tournaments and other community events could be organised on a regular basis. There was overwhelming expression of support for this ambitious project. |
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Indo-Pak peace cannot be left in the hands of rulers Sir, There has been significant media coverage of the visit of the Prime Minsiter Dr. Manmohan Singh to the Siachen glacier. His visit comes at a time where the peoples of India and of Pakistan have been breathing the fresh air of peace initiatives. However, his visit did not give any great fillip to the expectation that there would be a deescalation of military presence at what has come to have the dubious distinction of being the ‘highest battlefield in the world’. Conservative estimates show that the mere cost of maintaining troops at this battle field costs each side millions of dollars a day, and the human cost in deaths due to the extreme weather conditions belies common sense. It is now widely accepted by experts in the field that it was the brinksmanship of the Indian side in the mid 1980's that has led to this pass in the context of the Siachen glacier. After the loss of the control over territory in the Aksai Chin region to China in 1962, and faced with the near impossibility of regaining that control, India seems to have calculated that military control in formerly undemarcated zones in the Himalayan heights would assist it in consolidating its strategic strength. Therefore, it seems impossible that India would give up the territory that it now controls through military means in the region, however inhospitable it may be. Nonetheless, the fact that there are no clear lines demarcating international boundaries is something that will not go away. Progressive forces in India and in Pakistan must take note of the fact that the ruling circles in each of these countries, despite all their pretence of being peace loving, are hawkish and extremely militarist in their thinking. They should not be allowed to be lulled into thinking that the people of these countries have anything to gain by handing over the hard earned constituency of earning peace to the ruling circles. It must be constantly emphasized that all the outstanding issues between the countries be resolved only through peaceable means. Progressive forces in India must demand of their Government that it respect international law in all matters of dispute and not resort to military means. Sincerely, A. Narayan |
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Sir, I wish to bring to the attention of the readers of People's Voice the case of US Marine Corps Lt. Ilario Pantanto, who was recently tried for one of the worst known atrocities in the US led war against Iraq. It is reported that on April 15, 2004, Pantano shot dead two unarmed Iraqi civilians who had been detained by the company he was leading. He is said to have fired dozens of rounds into them and then to have posed with the corpses with a sign above them saying ‘no better friend, no worse enemy’. He has not denied the events, claiming that his actions were in self-defence as the victims had disobeyed his instructions and were supposedly moving menacingly. The trial however came to a rapid close and the charge of premeditated murder were dropped for various reasons including the possibility of conflict with Government policy. It may be noted that Pantano who had already served his term with the Marine Corps had been working in Wall Street and had decided to rejoin the armed forces after the events of 9/11/2001, since he felt that his services were required for the defence of his country. It is not a coincidence that these events have taken place at a time of extreme aggressive posture of the US towards the rest of the world and its expanded military activities. The ‘Voice of Revolution', the organ of the US Marxist Leninist Organisation, has recently reported on the release of the Pentagon document known as the “National Defence Strategy” which among other things highlights aspects of the strategy including “pre-emptive war, long-term occupations, military dictate at home, as well as militarisation and US control of space and international waters and airspace”. It is also mentioned that the tasks involved required interalia “the cooperation and participation of friends and allies and the support of the American people”. The (mis)trial of Pantano has to be seen in this light. By manufacturing opinion, race hate and prejudice, US wishes to draw larger numbers of its population into its militaristic adventures for world domination. It needs to also ensure that once the military is engaged in its reprehensible activities, the men and women who transgress the bounds of what does and does not constitute individual war crime, are guaranteed impunity. Any illusion that the people of the world may have of the US military’s capability to prevent atrocities will be once again destroyed by the Pantano case. All progressive forces fighting the US led military occupation of Iraq, need to press on all fronts, including the legal front, to expose the nature of the supreme war crime, which is that of war against peace. Sincerely, S. Grover, |
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