PEOPLE'S VOICE

Internet Edition: Jan 16 - Feb 15, 2004
Published by the Communist Ghadar Party of India

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  • Indian communists and the question of democracy

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Open Letter
to all the communists and other anti-imperialist fighters
converging in Mumbai in January 2004


Dear friends,

As you know, various anti-imperialist forums are being held at the same time as the World Social Forum in Mumbai. The deep disunity in the Indian communist movement is reflected in the fact that it is the communist leadership from different factions of the movement who are playing a major role in each of these forums. This disunity of the Indian communists is a sign of their immaturity in the sphere of theory and ideology. It is a sign that a dominant section of Indian communists is submitting to various forms of bourgeois ideology.

Who gains from having parallel forums, at a time when lakhs of people are converging in Mumbai, not only from all across the country but from all over the world, in a show of strength against imperialist war and against globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation? The answer is simple. Only the enemies of the working class and people, that is imperialism and the bourgeoisie, gain from this.

It is easy to blame one another for the disunity. However, the burning question is not merely to determine who and what factors are responsible. The point is to change the situation.

One of the factors that will greatly contribute to the unity of all the progressive forces is the elaboration of the theory and the general line of march of the struggle against imperialism, in India and on the world scale. The general line must clarify how imperialism can be overthrown and what kind of system should replace it. It must clarify those tendencies within the anti-imperialist movement against which the ideological struggle must be waged. It is only around this general line that the unity of all the anti-imperialist forces can be built.

Our party considers the communist movement as one and the restoration of communist unity as the most pressing task before the Indian communists today. Consistent with this aim of restoring the unity of Indian communists, our party has decided to participate in all forums in Mumbai this month.

We request each and every one of you, communist and anti-imperialist fighters, to pay attention to two vital tasks during the discussions and debates in Mumbai. Firstly, there is a need to organise, to strengthen unity in action against imperialism. Secondly, there is need to step up the ideological struggle against those within the movement who are spreading illusions about capitalism, and about social-democracy or a ‘middle’ road between capitalism and socialism.

We believe in “One working class, one programme, one communist party” in whose ranks all Indian communists will militate. Only such a party can act as the vanguard of the Indian working class, and lead the struggle against capitalism and imperialism.

Looking forward to working together in the struggle to overthrow the imperialist system in India and throughout the world,

Yours sincerely,
Lal Singh, General Secretary, CGPI.

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CGPI contingent at the anti-imperialist forums in Mumbai:
Prepare for the coming revolutionary storms!


Tens of thousands of people from all regions of India and many countries of Asia and the world gathered in Mumbai to participate in the World Social Forum as well as other anti-imperialist forums in the city.  Noting that this was taking place at a time when the peoples of the world are increasingly refusing to accept the course being set for humanity by the likes of George Bush and Tony Blair, the CGPI had decided to participate actively in these forums.

In all the forums, people contested the claims of the capitalists and imperialists that there is no alternative to globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation. Declaring that there IS an alternative, communists and anti-imperialist fighters discussed ways to demolish the old man-eating system of imperialism.

Through numerous dances, street plays, skits, pamphlets and posters, the peoples showed their thorough opposition to the “War against terrorism” and declared George Bush the biggest terrorist. They showed their opposition to the World Trade Organisation, IMF, World Bank and other institutions of the imperialists to exercise their domination and control over nations and peoples of all continents.

Antiwar activists from Asia and all over the globe used the occasion to assess the global anti-war movement against the occupation of Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. Building on the successful worldwide protests of February 15, 2003, they charted out the future course of action. They decided to organise a worldwide day of protest action on March 20, 2004 — the first anniversary of the US led aggression of Iraq.

Activists of the Communist Ghadar Party of India participated in all the anti-imperialist forums, including the WSF and the Mumbai Resistance. They distributed the Open Letter from Comrade Lal Singh, General Secretary of the CGPI, addressed to the communists and anti-imperialist fighters on the question of ending the disunity in the movement. They distributed tens of thousands of copies of the Statement of the Communist Ghadar Party of India – explaining the line of March — in Marathi, Hindi and English. They engaged the participants in vigorous discussions. They also led an organised discussion on “The geopolitics of war and peace in Asia”. This discussion session attracted wide participation from different parts of Asia and other parts of the world.

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On the Call for a Second Green Revolution:
Only a Red Revolution can liberate the Indian peasantry from its bondage


The rulers of India have advanced the call for a ‘Second Green Revolution’, as the solution to the problems of the peasantry, and to the problem of economic backwardness of rural India. It is being claimed that modern agricultural technology will make India a ‘developed’ country with “all-round prosperity” by the year 2020.

The Government of India has unleashed an advertising campaign under the caption ‘India Shining’. This campaign paints the picture of Indian peasants growing flowers, fruits and packaged foods for the world market, to achieve “enhanced efficiency, greater productivity, and richer harvests”. It claims that “incomes will improve and opportunities will brighten” for the millions of peasants in the country, through the ‘Second Green Revolution’.

This idea of a Second Green Revolution is being floated by the spokesmen of the Indian bourgeoisie precisely at a time when the Indian peasantry is finding that not only are rich harvests rare and uncertain, but even when the harvest is good they can end up in debt. They are at the mercy of the world market, which is dominated by giant monopoly corporations.

Not only do the poor peasants face the prospect of sinking into debt and losing their land today, but even the middle and rich peasants are facing increasing insecurity. The uncertainties of nature have been compounded a hundred times by the volatile capitalist markets dominated by the monopolies. As a result, the decade of the 1990s has witnessed widespread anxiety and growing incidence of suicides in rural India.

In such conditions, the promise of prosperity and security by relying on the world market is nothing less than a cruel joke on the Indian peasantry. Behind this idea stand the greedy capitalist monopolies, Indian and international, with their vision of converting the entire land and waters of India into a base for export oriented agri-business, for the securing of the maximum rate of profit.

One of the most important lessons from the first Green Revolution is that a purely technological approach cannot solve the problem of backwardness in Indian agriculture or lift the masses of peasants out of their poverty and misery.

That Green Revolution was a technical-scientific revolution launched by the Government of India towards the end of the 1960s, with imperialist ‘aid’ and credits. It was preceded by bourgeois land reforms in Punjab and Haryana. Consolidation of land holdings in private hands was carried out in order to create a class of farmers capable of engaging in capitalistic operations. This green revolution took in its fold Punjab and Haryana, western UP, and selected regions of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. The stated aim of that first Green Revolution was the achievement of self-sufficiency in food. The real aim was to lay the foundation for capitalist agriculture to flourish in the Indian countryside, thereby creating stocks of food grains in the hands of the central state, as well as expanding the market for industrial goods. It was part of the strategy of the Indian big bourgeoisie to grow bigger and stronger. It was presented to the people as a policy in the national interest, just as the Second Green Revolution is being presented today. However, the results expose the hollowness of this claim, as millions of Indian people continue to go to bed hungry even today, while the godowns of the Food Corporation of India are overflowing with grain.

The first Green Revolution did indeed lead to prosperity, but only for a minority among the peasantry, and that too only for a period of time. At the same time as it produced wealth at one pole, it led to lakhs of peasants sinking into debt and losing their land, at the other pole.

Since private property was the basis for the application of advanced technology under the Green Revolution, the benefits were inevitably restricted to a minority. Only those farmers could hope to prosper who had large enough plots of land in their hands, and access to assured irrigation, bank credit and guaranteed state procurement. Pockets of prosperity emerged during this period, in the midst of an ocean of poor and marginal peasants, who were pushed deeper and deeper into poverty, indebtedness and landlessness.

By the mid 1980s, the first Green Revolution had run its course in Punjab and Haryana, where the single minded pursuit of wheat and rice production, or ‘monoculture’, led to eroding soil quality and stagnant yields. By the 1990s, the boost given to agriculture by the Green Revolution had exhausted itself in all parts of the country. The bourgeois spokesmen claimed that liberalisation of foreign trade and new initiatives such as contract farming would open up new opportunities for the Indian peasantry. But in fact, the past decade has been marked by one crisis after another, natural and man-made, leading to a climate of widespread anxiety among the entire peasantry.

The root cause of the poverty and misery of the masses of people in rural India is not the lack of technology. Technological backwardness is the result of capitalism and the perpetuation of feudal relations of oppression, as a result of which the majority of peasants are too poor and oppressed to be able to gain from technology.

The root cause of the poverty and misery of the masses of people in rural India lies in the relations of production. The dominant and expanding role of capitalist private property over land, water and other resources has led and is leading to the concentration of the means of production in fewer and fewer hands.

Capitalist agriculture has grown alongside the perpetuation of feudal relations of bondage, including caste based oppression. As a result, the tiller of the land in any part of India is at the mercy of one or more set of exploiters from among the big corporations and multinationals, the big landlords, capitalist farmers, money lenders, wholesale traders, and the government agencies and banks that act on behalf of the exploiters.

In the name of liberalisation, even the partial and uneven support extended by the Government of India to agriculture in the past has been cut down further since 1991. Input supply and output purchase – that is, the trade between the peasants and the rest of society – is coming under the increasing domination of multinational and Indian big corporations.

In order to liberate the masses of Indian peasants from their old and new bondage, what is required is a social revolution. The social relations involved in tilling the land and in selling the produce need to be transformed. The orientation of state intervention in agricultural production and trade needs to be changed.

Today the state intervenes with the aim of facilitating the plunder of the land and natural resources for maximum private profit in the hands of Indian and international monopoly capital. This must be replaced with a new orientation, with the state intervening to make sure that prosperity and protection are secured for all the working people. State intervention in agriculture must ensure three things, namely: (i) security of livelihood to the tillers of the land, (ii) supply of food in adequate quantity and quality and at affordable prices to the urban population, through a strengthened and expanded Public Distribution System, and (iii) that the difference in living standards between urban and rural India is gradually narrowed and eliminated over time.

The social revolution required in the conditions of present day India has to be anticapitalist and anti-feudal in its economic content. It must be carried out by the working class in alliance with the peasantry. Such an alliance can and must be built around immediate demands to restrict the space for capitalist agri-business and imperialist plunder, to defend the rights of the tillers from encroachment by private monopoly interests, and to create and expand the space for collective ownership and collective farming by the peasantry, with liberal state assistance.

What is required, in the strategic sense, is not another edition of the Green Revolution, but an Indian edition of the Red Revolution that was carried out by the workers and peasants of Russia in 1917 (see Box on the Story of Agriculture in the Soviet Union). Such a revolution will sweep away the capitalist system, all vestiges of feudalism and colonialism and end all imperialist interference. It will re-orient the Indian economy towards maximum possible fulfilment of the ever rising material and cultural needs of all the toilers and tillers of the land, by relying on our own efforts and using exports and imports to complement these efforts.

Such a social revolution will open the door to the benefits of modern science and technology becoming available to all members of society. Only then will it actually become possible to end the era of backwardness and pettiness of life in rural India.

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Modernisation of Agriculture under Socialism


The Soviet experience was a remarkable example of modernisation of agriculture in the interests of the vast majority of the peasantry and of all the working people of the country.

The peasants in Czarist Russia were extremely oppressed and pauperised, not unlike the majority of peasants of India.  The Decree on land was passed on October 26, 1917 as one of the first steps after the October revolution, to abolish monopoly of land ownership and hand over the land of the feudal landowners to those who tilled it.  The peasants were released from paying rent to the landlords. The Soviet state took very definite measures to ensure the implementation of the Decree by sending out communist workers to defend the rights of the peasants.

The Soviet government assessed that if peasant farming was to develop further, the State must assist the peasants to collectivise and reap the benefits of combined labour and large-scale cultivation.  The Communist Party elaborated the vision of transforming the small isolated peasant farms, through a process of gradual amalgamation, into large-scale collective farms.

The Soviet state introduced the collective principle in agriculture on a voluntary basis, first in the selling and then in the growing of farm produce. Through persuasion and practical demonstration, more and more peasants were convinced of the superiority of collective property over private property.  The state extended free and subsidized services, including tractors and mechanics for the collective farms to use.  It regulated and guaranteed trade between the cities and the countryside at stable prices.

At the end of 1929, with the growth of the collective farms and state farms, the Soviet government repealed the laws on renting of land and hiring of labour, thus depriving the capitalist elements among the farmers, the ‘kulaks’, of their means of accumulating capital. This led to the elimination of the last of the exploiting classes, and transferred the most numerous labouring peasantry from the path of individual farming to the path of cooperative, collective farming.

By the 1930s, after the accelerated development of the collective-farm movement, the peasants were able to plough virgin soil, utilize neglected land, to obtain machines and tractors and thereby double or even treble the productivity of labour. The peasant, by joining the collective farm, was able to produce much more than formerly with the same expenditure of labour. The grain produced was far cheaper than before, and finally, with stable prices, the millions of poor peasants who had formerly lived in penury attained material security.

Agricultural production grew at a steady and remarkable rate in the 1930s, for years together. At a time when the capitalist world was going through the worst depression ever, Soviet agriculture continued on an upward trend, year after year without interruption or crisis of any kind. The extreme unevenness in the production and marketing of food grains between the regions was corrected.

The subsequent reversal of the policy of collectivisation and the restoration of capitalist private property in the countryside, at the time of Khrushchev, led to the reversal of the gains of socialism.  Shortages of food and deteriorating economic conditions of the peasantry became stark in the 1970s and 1980s.  The relations of production were no longer in conformity with the developed state of productive forces.

To sum up, the prosperity of agriculture in the Soviet Union was achieved on the basis of addressing the relations of production. The progressive transformation of these relations of production to cooperative and collective production, and the expropriation of landlords and capitalists, were at the base of the prosperity of the peasants and the technical development of agriculture.

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On the occasion of the 55th Republic Day:
What is to be done to make India shine for the workers and peasants?


On January 26, 1950, when the Indian Republic was founded, the Indian people were made to believe that their long struggle for freedom, progress and enlightenment has come to an end. They were promised that this Republic would wipe the tears from the eyes of every Indian.  Events since then have shown that this promise was a blatant lie. Yet today, on the 55th Republic Day, the toiling people are once again being fed with lies and promises.  They are being asked to feel good because India is allegedly going to shine for them very soon.

Making tall promises to the toiling masses and delivering whatever the big capitalists and big landlords want – this has been the practice of the Congress Party, which has ruled India for the majority of years since the Republic was founded.  The promises being made today by the Vajpayee Government and its spokesmen show that the practice of the BJP is no different from that of the Congress Party.

The BJP spokesmen and the big capitalist media have created a major hype that “India is shining”.  They are trumpeting that there is a “feel good” factor about India at the present time.  They are making wild promises to the people to make them share this “feel good” factor, hoping to convert it into the key factor for winning the coming Lok Sabha elections.

There is nothing remarkable in the fact that the Indian economy is growing at about 8% in the current year, faster than in most recent years.  Such occasional years of high growth have been there in the past as well.  Usually, when there is one good monsoon after several years of drought and bad crops, the economy experiences a high growth rate.  If the good monsoon coincides with the upward turn in the business cycle of Indian capitalism, then the high growth rate is more pronounced.

One year of high capitalist growth does not mean anything is going to change very much as far as the workers and peasants are concerned.  The big capitalists, who finance the parties such as the BJP and the Congress Party, are feeling good because their rates of profit have already begun to rise.  They are hoping that even higher profits can be secured through more intense exploitation and plunder of the land and labour of India as well as of other countries in the coming years.

Capitalist growth, by its very nature, is uneven and moves from one crisis to another, with occasional bursts of high growth in between.  Both when it grows rapidly and when it slows down or goes into crisis, capitalism accumulates wealth at one pole and multiplies poverty at the other pole.

The workers and peasants of India can feel good only when the capitalist orientation of the Indian economy is ended; and the economy is re-oriented towards fulfilling the needs of all the toiling people.  Only then can India experience steady economic growth, without crises and interruptions, leading to steady enhancement in the living standards of all the workers and peasants.

In order to re-orient the economy, it is essential for the workers and peasants to become the rulers of India.  It is essential to replace the Republic of the capitalist and landlords with a Republic of the workers and peasants.  This is the necessary condition for India to shine for the working people.

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SAARC Meeting in Islamabad:
What is to be done to make India shine for the workers and peasants?


The meeting of the heads of government of the seven SAARC countries (India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives) in Islamabad, in the first week of January, served to focus attention on the problems of this region and among its member states.

This meeting was due to be held a long time back, but could not take place as scheduled because of the tension between India and Pakistan. Previous meetings too, when held, often only heightened rather than reduced tensions, because India and Pakistan used the forum to abuse each other.  This time around, India and Pakistan used the occasion to come to some agreements about bilateral issues and the situation allowed for some multilateral treaties as well. However, the Indian State played its role as the big power in the region, forcing conditions on the other States before talks on peace and economic cooperation could take place. This is in the style of other imperialist states that demand this or that concession as a condition to negotiate economic agreements.

At the insistence of the Government of India, the SAARC summit had to adopt a ‘declaration against terrorism’, as the condition for developing an agreement to promote people to people exchanges and trade among the South Asian countries.  Following the lead of US imperialism globally, India is putting great pressure on those SAARC countries with which it shares land borders, to forcibly suppress national liberation struggles in the name of “curbing terrorism”.  According to the scenario painted by the Indian rulers, India is the “victim”, while all those other countries are guilty of harbouring or aiding terrorist activity directed against India. Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh have all been targets of this shrill propaganda and pressure from the Indian State.

The peoples of South Asia share common or overlapping histories and cultures but have been kept apart mainly because of the legacy of colonialism and the continuing imperialist intrigues until this day. The strategic geographic position of the South Asian land mass, as well as its natural and human resources have made it geopolitically very important for Anglo-American imperialism. In the last decade, US imperialism has increasingly interfered in this region and assumed the mantle of “peacemaker” between India and Pakistan. It is a well-documented fact that both India and Pakistan have been two of the favoured customers for sales of weapons from the US and from other countries including Britain, France, Israel and Russia.

The role of the US and other imperialists is the key obstacle to peace and cooperation between countries in this region. The US and Britain in particular, have a long history of intrigue and pitting one country in this region against the other. These days, the US is striving to extend its strategic domination over the whole of Asia in the guise of its “war against terrorism.” Its open interference in the affairs of the region and that of the different countries here has reached new heights. The pressure to open doors to US military and intelligence “advisers” and “experts” and to political “facilitators” is increasing all the time. Most recently, the US government has entered into a strategic military alliance with India. At the same time, it has declared that it is interested in entering into a like alliance with Pakistan, and that these are not mutually exclusive.

The second obstacle to long-standing peace in this region is the imperialist ambition of the Indian ruling class. These have been amply demonstrated in its conduct with its neighbours in the area. Capitalising on its overwhelming size and resources and strategic position in the subcontinent, the Indian bourgeoisie has either directly aggressed upon or interfered in the affairs of neighbouring states, or applied enormous economic and military pressure to get its way on various issues.

While paying lip service to intra-regional cooperation, the Indian central state has in fact preferred to use its clout to deal separately with each of the other states in the region and has been suspicious of ties developing independently amongst the others. It has given very low priority to developing intra-regional cooperation, while attaching the greatest importance to developing its ties outside, particularly with the big imperialist powers. All this has been greatly resented by the other governments and peoples who regard India as the big bully of the region.

Genuine peace and cooperation in this region can advance only if the imperialists are kept out of this sub continent and the Indian Ocean. Imperialism and peace are mutually exclusive, as imperialism needs war to advance its interests. India, Pakistan and all the states of this region have to refuse to be instruments of imperialism.  They must refuse all imperialist “assistance” in settling mutual and internal political issues. The Indian people’s experience tells us that the Indian capitalist class is neither capable nor willing to take such a resolute and principled stand against imperialism.  On the contrary, this class has been the willing collaborator of US imperialism in pursuing its own imperialist and expansionist ambitions.

The Indian bourgeoisie cannot be trusted, either by the neighbours or by the people of our country.  It is up to the Indian working class, led by its Communist Party, to lead the struggle for peace and cooperation with our neighbours, based on the principle of recognising and defending the sovereignty of all nations and peoples, and the principle of developing economic and cultural exchanges of mutual benefit to the countries and peoples of this region.

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Indian communists and the question of democracy


Karl Marx established, with the authority of science, that democracy is a class question. Even though all Indian communists swear allegiance to the science of Marxism, the most serious and harmful form of class conciliation continues to take place precisely on the question of democracy.

There are parties in the Indian communist movement that have merged completely with the political process of bourgeois democracy. Such parties appear merely as competitors with bourgeois parties for capturing the seats in the Parliament and for a share of the existing power at the state level.

Since the 1960s and the major split of 1964, the Indian communist movement has remained divided and the working class largely confused on the question of democracy. The line of ‘peaceful and parliamentary path to socialism’, promoted by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) since its 20th Congress, has been embraced by a large contingent of the communist movement in our country. This line promotes the illusion that by gradually increasing the number of seats won by the Communist Party through the elections, it is possible to establish worker-peasant rule and build socialist society some day.

Followers of the parliamentary path have been running a coalition government in West Bengal for the past 26 years. While this ‘left-front government’ led by the CPI(M) has worked for the further development of capitalism in West Bengal, it has done nothing to empower the working masses and to open the door to revolutionary social transformations. On the contrary, the tradition of communist rule in West Bengal has become a political prop for the Indian bourgeoisie. It enables the bourgeoisie to claim that it is so democratic that any kind of party can compete and rule through the existing electoral process in India.

The Communist Party, the vanguard of the working class, must champion the theory and practice of proletarian democracy. It cannot and must not merge with bourgeois democracy and become an electoral machine. Its aim is not merely to replace one party or coalition in power by another, while the vast majority of people – the workers and peasants — remain excluded from the exercise of power. The aim of the Communist Party is to replace the existing power of capital by the power of the workers and peasants.

The system and political process of representative democracy is designed to keep the bourgeoisie in power and keep the working class firmly out. The party of the working class can and should participate in elections at appropriate times, to advance the class struggle and popularize the independent program of the working class. But it must never become part of the process of legitimizing the rule of the bourgeoisie. It must never create illusions about bourgeois democracy or hide its class content from the masses.

The peaceful and parliamentary path, which was promoted by the CPSU and influenced the movement in India, was criticized, among others, by the Communist Party of China (CPC). However, the theory of ‘New Democracy’ that the CPC advocated was based on a four class alliance including the Chinese national bourgeoisie, which was honoured with a star in the national flag of the People’s Republic of China.

The theory of New Democracy found currency amongst the revolutionary forces that arose in India to fight the theory of the peaceful and parliamentary road to socialism. The followers of this theory claim that the principal enemy and block to social progress in India is feudalism, and that the strategic aim at this stage is an anti-feudal revolution with the peasantry as the main motive force. This fallacious analysis leads to the underrating and abandoning of the leading force, the most organised sections of the working class, located in the cities. It creates harmful illusions about the possibility of eliminating the remnants of feudalism and democratizing Indian society within the framework of modern day capitalism, led by the ‘national’ bourgeoisie. It conciliates with the notion of a progressive bourgeois front that can bring about a “vibrant capitalism”, as an intermediate stage before socialism.

The analysis presented in the Report to the Second Congress of the Communist Ghadar Party of India, in October 1998, shows convincingly that it is capitalism that defends and perpetuates the remnants of feudalism in India. It is capitalism that protects the imperialist and colonial interests. It is capitalism that is the motor behind the drive of the bourgeoisie towards globalization through liberalization and privatization. It is therefore not permissible for communists to create any illusions about the possibility of a “reformed” capitalism or a middle path led by the ‘national’ or ‘secular’ bourgeoisie. In opposition to the attempts of the bourgeoisie to line up the peasantry and other oppressed behind rival parties and bourgeois fronts, communists must strive to win over the peasantry to the aim and program of the working class to eliminate capitalism, all remnants of feudalism, colonialism and imperialism.

It is theoretically false to posit any kind of democracy as being an intermediate stage between bourgeois democracy and proletarian democracy. It is not possible to have such an in-between political power because of the antagonistic contradiction between the interests of capital and labour, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Capitalism has reached the stage of imperialism, a stage where the contradictions are objectively very sharp and can be resolved only through the revolutionary transformation from capitalism to socialism, which requires the replacement of bourgeois democracy with proletarian democracy.

In the name of fighting bourgeois democracy, there are some in the movement who boycott the electoral arena on a permanent basis. They advocate protracted people’s war to overthrow the state, and advocate the encircling of the cities from the countryside. Experience shows that this theory and such tactics do not serve to defeat the bourgeoisie on the question of democracy. Rather, they feed into the bourgeois tactics of state versus individual terrorism. Without a vision and program for the advancement of proletarian democracy, and the working class and peasants united around it, the state of the bourgeoisie cannot be replaced with a worker-peasant state.

The reactionary bourgeoisie and its politicians today declare that either one has to accept the rules of bourgeois democracy or be condemned as a terrorist. They want to create the impression that there is no alternative to bourgeois democracy.

The first practical example of an alternative to bourgeois democracy was the Soviet Union, which was a new form of state and political power, led by a new kind of revolutionary party of the working class. The creation of this power heralded the era of proletarian socialist democracy, in mortal combat with bourgeois capitalist democracy. This struggle is continuing to this day, even though in new forms.

In the first phase of socialism in the Soviet Union, a broad democracy of the working people was established that affirmed and guaranteed the rights of all the toilers. Once the economic base of socialism had been constructed and the exploiting classes had been eliminated, the need arose to further strengthen the role of the masses in decision making. However, while the 20th Congress of the CPSU proclaimed the creation of a ‘state of the whole people’ and a ‘party of the whole people’, the Soviet state was in fact turned into a party dictatorship. This led to the complete marginalization of the role of the working masses in decision making. The party dictatorship led by the Soviet revisionists became the instrument for the restoration of capitalism and the ultimate disintegration of the Soviet Union itself.

The working class and communist movement needs to draw the appropriate lessons from this negative experience so as to advance the struggle for a democracy of the toilers and tillers of the land. One of the main lessons is the necessity for the working class, peasantry and the progressive forces to work in unison to replace the party dominated process of representative democracy with a system of direct democracy that guarantees the empowerment of the masses of working people.

Bourgeois representative democracy is facing an extremely acute crisis of credibility today. A growing majority of people are disgusted with their elected representatives and with the criminality of single party and multi-party dictatorships. They are disillusioned with a political process in which the Ministers are not accountable to the Parliament, which in turn is not accountable to the electorate. This crisis is growing more acute, not only in India but throughout the capitalist world.

Indian communists must use the crisis of bourgeois representative democracy to boldly put forward the program for the Navnirman of India – a program to replace party dictatorship, which is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, with the democratic dictatorship of workers and peasants; a program to reconstitute the Indian Union and redefine its foreign policy so as to affirm the rights of all nations and peoples and establish lasting peace in South Asia; and to re-orient the Indian economy to provide prosperity and protection for all the toiling masses.

An immediate and urgent task is to build and strengthen people’s committees, as the organs of class struggle at the base of society, in the factories, mohallas and villages. Organs of struggle at the base of society will be the foundations of a revolutionary front against the bourgeois offensive. They will become the foundations of the worker-peasant state of the future. The workers and peasants must be organised to replace the talk-shop parliament with elected bodies in which they themselves can sit, and ensure that the will of the majority actually prevails.

The struggle must be intensified against those within the communist movement who conciliate with bourgeois democracy and the party dominated political process, thereby tying the working class to the tail of the parliamentary opposition. In particular, the influence of those who conciliate with the social-democratic platform of the Congress Party and call for an alliance with various sections of the bourgeoisie in the name of a ‘secular front’ to “save Indian democracy” must be exposed and defeated. At the same time, the line of advocating permanent boycott of the political process in the present conditions must also be rejected.

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Prepare for the coming revolutionary storms!
Unite in action against
Globalisation, Liberalisation and Privatisation!
Organise to build a World without Imperialism, Fascism and War!

Statement of Communist Ghadar Party of India to the anti-imperialist forces converging in Mumbai.
 January 10, 2004


Tens of thousands of people from all over India and from all continents of the world are assembling in Mumbai at the World Social Forum as well as other forums in January 2004.  This is a reflection of the fact that the peoples of the world are refusing to accept the course being set for humanity by the likes of George Bush and Tony Blair.  Peoples of all countries have expressed their unequivocal opposition to the naked aggression, military occupation and brutal violation of national sovereignty being perpetrated by the Anglo-American imperialists in Iraq, in the name of fighting terrorism.

From Seattle to London and spreading to all corners of the world, the mass movement against the imperialist offensive has grown in strength and significance.  People are coming together in massive numbers to contest the assertion that there is no alternative to globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation.  Declaring that there is an alternative, people are converging to discuss ways to demolish this old man-eating system of imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism. All of this shows that the anti-imperialist movement is gaining momentum in both breadth and depth.

 “War against terrorism and fundamentalism” is the bogey that is being used by the US and its allies to smash the growing movement against imperialism. They brand all their opponents as terrorists and fundamentalists. Armed with the most deadly weapons of mass destruction, it is US imperialism and its allies who are the greatest source of terror.  They constitute the main danger to peace and security of the peoples of the world.

The aim and motive of the “war against terrorism” is world domination, through monopoly control over markets, zones for the export of capital, sources of cheap labour, raw materials and energy supply chains. US imperialism is eager at this time to establish its domination over most of Asia and use it as the springboard to dominate the entire world.  Other imperialist powers are colluding and contending with the US to advance their own imperialist ambitions. 

Capitalism is a system where social production is oriented towards securing the maximum rate of private profit by a wealthy minority that owns the means of production.  Capitalism reached the stage of monopoly capitalism, or imperialism, at the beginning of the 20th century.  Since then, the degree of monopoly and concentration of wealth and power has only grown higher.

Globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation constitute the aggressive program of imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie on the world scale today.  It represents the further continuation and accentuation of the drive of monopoly capital to reap the maximum rate of profit, through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment of the majority of peoples of all the countries of the world, as well as through wars and militarisation. The parliamentary road, state terrorism and individual acts of terrorism, gangsterism and criminalisation of politics — are the preferred weapons of imperialism to advance its agenda today.

Imperialism is the source of fascism and the restriction of democratic rights.  It allies and props up the most backward social forces in all countries, spreads racism, communalism and obscurantism, to facilitate its domination and plunder.  Today it is targeting people of the Islamic faith as part of its offensive against the anti-imperialist movement.

Imperialism means acute poverty at one pole, with unimaginable riches in very few hands at the other pole. It means the division of the world into a handful of subjugating and colonising powers, on the one hand, and the majority of dependent and subjugated nations and countries, on the other hand.

Imperialism means the inevitability of wars between competing capitalist states over markets and territories, wherein the working people are ordered to kill each other for the sake of the empire building aims of their ‘own’ bourgeoisie.  The so-called nation building exercises in Iraq and Afghanistan are nothing but empire building missions, motivated by the hegemonic aims of the biggest imperialist power.

The anger of the broad masses of peoples is rising against the war crimes of imperialism and against the highway robbery that is going on in the name of economic ‘reforms’.  It is rising against the concentration of political power in the hands of unpopular governments that claim to have the ‘mandate’ of the people to act against their interests.  The deepening conflict between the exploiters and the exploited is also leading to the intensification of contradictions within the bourgeois imperialist camp.

These developments confirm that imperialism is the last stage of capitalism, wherein all the contradictions of the capitalist system—the contradiction between labour and capital, between a handful of imperialist states and the vast majority of the peoples, and the contradictions amongst the different imperialist powers—are raised to the highest level.   Imperialism is the eve of the proletarian revolution, the eve of the destruction of capitalism and its replacement with socialism. 

The alternative to imperialism is scientific socialism, the first stage of communism. Socialism is a system based on social ownership of the means of social production.  In a socialist society, production is oriented not to maximise private profit, but towards the maximum satisfaction of the constantly rising material and cultural requirements of the whole of society. 

There is no doubt that the world is witnessing the gathering of revolutionary storms on the horizon.  This is an indication that the time is ripe for action aimed at eliminating imperialism from the face of the earth, so as to secure lasting peace and guaranteed prosperity for all the nations and peoples of the world. However, for the brewing revolutionary storm to develop and successfully sweep away the moribund system of imperialism, the movement needs to consolidate its political unity.

In order to defeat imperialism, it is essential for the people of each country to organise against capitalism in their own country, which is the base for the imperialist domination and plunder. There is need to link the struggles against capital in individual countries with the international struggle against the imperialist offensive.

History shows that when the Russian working class and people, led by the Bolshevik party, waged uncompromising struggle against imperialism, they won important victories.  The Great October Socialist Revolution in 1917 successfully broke the chain of imperialism and one sixth of the globe was liberated from imperialist enslavement. This dealt a mighty blow to the global imperialist system, and accelerated the anti-imperialist struggles in all countries around the world. The chain of imperialism was once again broken when the forces of the anti-colonial and anti-fascist struggles swept through Europe and Asia at the conclusion of the Second World War. 

The imperialist chain is bound to break again in the 21st century, in one or more countries.  How soon this will happen depends on whether the anti-imperialist forces organise to strengthen their unity in action and strengthen political unity around their common aim of defeating the imperialist offensive. It will depend on whether the communists in every country rally around one Party and one program of revolution and socialism.

Anglo-American troops, out of Iraq!

No to the violation of national sovereignty under any pretext!

Oppose all imperialist warmongering and interference in South Asia!

No to the negation of individual and collective rights in the name of fighting terrorism!

Defend the right of every state to set its own policy free from external dictate!

Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World, Unite!

*     *     *

India is being talked about in the imperialist media as an ‘emerging’ market and as potentially one of the big powers of the 21st century.  The Indian bourgeoisie, which for many decades after independence pretended to be part of the anti-imperialist camp and assumed leadership of the ‘nonaligned’ movement, has now revealed its real imperialist ambitions and aims.  Armed with nuclear power, it is headed on a dangerous and adventurous course, at the expense and in utter disregard of the security of livelihood and rights of the Indian people. 

The Indian bourgeoisie is emerging as one of the most pro-active forces behind the antisocial offensive in the name of globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation.  Sections of the ruling circles are eager that India should become one of the closest allies of US imperialism and a pro-active player in the “coalition against terror” headed by the US.  It is only the strength of the mass opposition in the country that prevented the Government of India from agreeing to send Indian troops to Iraq at the request of President Bush.

The monopoly business houses of India, headed by the Tatas, Birlas and Ambanis, benefit from the imperialist loot and plunder of India.  They seek collaboration with foreign capitalist monopolies, while pursuing their own imperialist ambitions of empire building, expansion of foreign markets and the Indian sphere of influence.  They are part of the imperialist camp, colluding and contending with other imperialist powers. 

The Indian bourgeoisie has preserved the political institutions left behind by the British colonialists, and further perfected these institutions to intensify the plunder of the land and labour of India.  The Indian State is an instrument for defending and developing capitalism alongside the remnants of feudalism, as the base for imperialist plunder and colonial empire building.  It is an arrangement for concentrating political power in the hands of the propertied classes, headed by the monopoly capitalists, to the complete exclusion of the workers and peasants, who constitute over 90 percent of the Indian population.  It is a political power of the bourgeois class, with the big monopolies in control of the Union and sharing power with its allies in different regions.  The Indian Union is an instrument for continuing the enslavement and suppression of the nations, nationalities and tribal peoples who constitute India, denying them their right to sovereignty.

The struggle of the workers, peasants, women and youth of India against the privatisation and liberalisation program of the bourgeoisie has scored important tactical victories in recent times.  By questioning the legitimacy of the right of the party in power to sell public assets to private bidders, without any legal framework approved by Parliament, the working class movement in India has managed to create legal hurdles and constitutional problems in the path of the privatisation plans of the Ministry of Disinvestment.  The Supreme Court verdict staying the privatisation of the petroleum companies HPCL and BPCL is a clear example.

The movement against the privatisation and liberalisation program has managed to push the bourgeoisie on the defensive, at least for the time being.  This shows that it is possible to halt this juggernaut of market oriented reforms, provided the workers and peasants wage an organised and united struggle, without compromise or conciliation of any kind with capitalism and the bourgeoisie.

There is rising and widespread anger among the majority Indian people against the exercise of political power by criminal self-serving parties of the bourgeoisie.  The Indian State claims to be a ‘secular’ Republic.  But facts have shown that it is a weapon for the competing parties of the bourgeoisie to accentuate communal divisions and organise communal violence, so as to keep the people at each other’s throats and use them as vote banks.

The recent elections in four states on 1st December showed the growing disgust of the electorate with their elected representatives.  It also revealed the fundamental flaw in the political process of Indian democracy – namely, that while people cast their votes, they have no say in the course of society.  The power to set the course for India remains exclusively in the hands of the same old corrupt and criminal self-serving parties.

What is required, on an immediate basis, is the building and strengthening of the worker-peasant alliance, as the backbone of a popular front against the bourgeoisie.  Such a popular front is a network of politically united organs of struggle of the workers, peasants, women and youth. It will have at its foundation samitis in the factories, mohallas and villages. Such a popular revolutionary front can and must be built in the course of the struggle to halt the program of privatisation and liberalisation.  It can and must be built in the course of the struggle against state terrorism, communal violence and all forms of fascist attacks against the fundamental rights of the people.  The popular revolutionary front will replace the existing system of party dictatorship with the dictatorship of workers and peasants.  They will replace the existing Indian Union with a voluntary union of consenting peoples who wish to live together for mutual benefit. 

With political power in their hands, the workers and peasants will affirm their rights and re-orient the economy to fulfil their needs.  They will end the imperialist domination and plunder, and sweep away all remnants of feudalism.  They will eliminate, step by step, the economic basis of capitalism and build socialism.  They will defend the right of each constituent of the Union to self-determination and progress.  The worker-peasant rule will be a force to advance the anti-imperialist movement on the world scale.

Nayi sadi ki hai yeh maang, Hindostan ka Navnirman!

Lal Kile pe lal nishan mang raha hai Hindostan!

Hum hain iske malik!  Hum hain Hindostan!

Mazdoor, Kisan, Aurat aur Jawan!

*     *     *

History shows that compromise and conciliation with imperialism leads to disaster for the peoples of the world.  It is precisely when the Communist Party of Soviet Union compromised with US imperialism in its 20th Congress that socialism began to decay within the Soviet Union.  The anti-imperialist movement was split and weakened. 

The leadership of the CPSU began to create illusions about peaceful coexistence with imperialism, to cover up their own conciliation.  They spread illusions that newly independent countries such as India could have a peaceful transition to socialism, through a so-called ‘non-capitalist path’ or middle road, thereby denying the need for revolution.  They spread the notion of ‘limited sovereignty’ to justify converting the people’s democracies in Eastern Europe into appendages of the Soviet empire.  They began to justify imperialist aggression and the violation of national sovereignty, including their aggression on Czechoslovakia in 1968 and on Afghanistan in 1979. 

The root cause of the degeneration and decline of socialism in the Soviet Union, and its conversion into a social-imperialist power, was the conciliation on the part of the Soviet Communist Party with social-democracy. 

Social-democracy is a form of bourgeois rule and ideology.  It seeks to reconcile the class contradictions, both within the ranks of the exploiters and between the exploiters and the exploited.  It seeks to achieve class peace at the expense of the exploited masses.  The social welfare states of Europe and the Nehruvian regime in India based on the ‘socialistic pattern of society’, were examples of social-democracy in power.  When out of power, social-democratic parties play the role of diverting the progressive forces from the path of revolution, by creating the illusion of a reformed capitalism and of a peaceful capitalist world without wars.

Conciliation of the Soviet leadership with social-democracy led to the deterioration of socialism into a hybrid society, with capitalism flourishing at the base within the shell of socialism.  As the discontent of the masses grew with this hybrid system, the champions of the capitalist system used this discontent to pave the way for the destruction of even the shell of socialism.   Starting with glasnost and perestroika in the 1980s, the ‘neo-liberal’ offensive backed by world imperialism led to the complete disintegration of the Soviet Union and its replacement by a classical capitalist state in Russia in 1991, with supreme power concentrated in the hands of the President.

Declaring that “red is dead” and that there is no alternative to capitalist reforms, imperialism and the bourgeoisie escalated their anti-communist and antisocial offensive in the 1990s, with the call for globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation as the prescription for all countries.   While they claim to be liberalizing society, what they are out to build is fascism – that is, the brutal dictatorship of the most reactionary, rapacious and bellicose sections of finance capital.  They are striving to build fascism while maintaining the process of “free and fair elections”, which provide the parties of big capital with legitimacy and a ‘mandate’ to continue attacking the livelihood and rights of the people. 

Liberalisation under the present conditions is nothing but a euphemism for unbridled robbery and domination by the monopoly bourgeoisie. Liberalism as an ideology was consistent with the early stage of capitalism.  Ever since capitalism developed into monopoly capitalism, to the stage of imperialism, the economic power of the monopolies gets combined with the political power of the state. All traces of liberalism between one section of the bourgeoisie and another gave way to cut throat monopolistic competition.

There is no possibility that imperialism will lead to free competition. The ‘free market economy’ of today has nothing to do with freedom.  It is a euphemism for the monopolists to hold the entire society to ransom, claiming that the state has no obligation to anyone excepting the big business interests.

While pursuing their fascistic ‘neo-liberal’ offensive, imperialism and the bourgeoisie are deploying social-democracy to disorient and disrupt the growing resistance to this course.  Social-democracy is presenting itself as the moderate alternative to all extremes, spreading illusions about the “free and fair elections” and about a ‘middle’ road once again, through the building of all kinds of parliamentary coalitions.

Life experience of the Indian people with the various coalitions and social-democratic ‘alternatives’ have shown that they only serve to reconcile the toiling masses to the status quo, as they do not upset the capitalist orientation of the economy.  The Left-Front Government in West Bengal, for instance, preserves the system of capitalism and implements capitalist reforms, while justifying itself to the workers and peasants as the “best that is possible within the given circumstances”.

A middle road is objectively not possible, as it is not possible to fulfil the greed of monopoly capital and also fulfil the needs of the workers and peasants.  In spite of the negative experience of the past with the ‘middle’ road, the conciliators with social-democracy are persisting on this path.  Today they are calling for a ‘secular front’ as the alternative to the ‘communal-fascist’ front led by the BJP.  They are diverting the progressive forces from the task of building the worker-peasant alliance, as the backbone of an anticapitalist and anti-imperialist revolutionary front. 

Social-democracy and those who conciliate with it seek to compromise the movement against imperialism on all vital questions of principle – be it the national question or that of democracy, or the struggle against communal violence, or against fascism and war.

On the question of the nation, social-democracy promotes the Eurocentric notion that there is no alternative to the European bourgeois model of the nation state.  It prevents the working people of India and of each country to build on their own philosophies, economic and political theories.  It prevents them from developing their own state structure and set the direction of their economy and culture in their service. 

While pretending to oppose the Anglo-American aggression on Iraq, the social-democrats and their conciliators justify the suppression of national rights within India, such as of the Kashmiris, Nagas and Manipuris, in the name of defending “national unity and territorial integrity”. 

Those within the communist movement who conciliated with social-democracy have ended up supporting the Soviet aggression on Czechoslovakia in 1968 and on Afghanistan in 1979.  They argued that it was just for a socialist government to send its troops into another country, for the purpose of a ‘progressive’ regime change.  However, if regime change by an external force is justified in one context, it becomes justifiable in every context.  In effect, the conciliators with social-democracy became apologists for imperialist aggression and violation of national sovereignty. 

Social-democracy compromises the struggle against fascism and communal violence by towing the imperialist line that ‘fundamentalism’ is the main source of danger.  In India, social-democracy spreads the harmful illusion that the Indian State has secular foundations and is to be viewed as a weapon in the struggle against communalism and ‘fundamentalism’. 

While promoting the parliamentary struggle as the main or only form of struggle, social-democracy and its conciliators seek to divide the ranks of the progressive forces on the basis of making the method of struggle the main issue.  By demanding that all political forces must submit to parliamentary democracy or be branded as terrorists, social-democracy fosters splits and divisions among the fighting ranks.

Imperialism and the forces of reaction wish that we, the anti-imperialist forces, remain an unorganised mass of disparate groups, without a common vision and an independent program of action.  They wish that the forces of resistance remain divided, with some under the wing of social-democracy and others marginalised and branded as terrorists.  They wish that the working class movement remains divided, with various factions competing for space within the bourgeois coalitions and parliamentary fronts.  This wish of imperialism and the bourgeoisie can and must be smashed. 

The fighting forces need to get together, not only to exchange ideas and air their views, but also to take collective decisions and fight for their implementation.  We must decide on measures to strengthen our unity in action against the fascist and military offensive of imperialism, and against globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation.  We must develop mechanisms to strengthen unity around our common political aim and around one program to achieve that aim.

Reject social-democracy and the ‘middle’ path!

Unite in Action against the imperialist offensive!

Build the anticapitalist front in each country as part of the global anti-imperialist front!

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Crisis of US occupation forces in Iraq deepens


The resignation of the CIA leader in Iraq looking for Weapons of Mass Destruction, (WMDs), David Kay, is the latest crisis that has shaken the US led coalition forces in Iraq. Kay has challenged the Bush administration saying that he did not believe there were any WMD stockpiles in Iraq. “I don’t think they existed”, Mr Kay has remarked in an interview with Reuters. “What everyone was talking about was stockpiles produced after the end of the last Gulf War and I don’t think there was a large scale production program in the 90’s”, said Kay. The CIA has now appointed a new chief for finding WMDs, Mr. Charles Duelfer.

The Danish army has confirmed that 36 mortar shells found buried in Southern Iraq in early January 2004 did not contain chemical agents. It had been earlier reported by the US - led coalition that these shells could contain ‘blister gas’. The US – imperialist led coalition has thus once again failed to produce evidence of WMDs banned by the United Nations, the main basis for launching the war against Iraq.

Meanwhile, the resistance in Iraq continues to build up. Hundreds of thousands of people in Iraq have come out in demonstrations and rallies asking sovereignty to be transferred directly to the Iraqi people. They have rejected the US attempts to install a puppet government. These militant mass actions have taken place in Basra, Baghdad and many other towns and cities and have put the US imperialists in a precarious position.

Korea and Japan have witnessed massive protests against the decision of the governments of these countries to trample on the will of the people and send troops to Iraq in the service of the US - led coalition.

At the World Social Forum meet in Mumbai in January thousands of Korean and Japanese anti-war protesters were in the forefront of anti - war protests as well as the concluding march on January 21, 2004. There militant forms of protest was a sign to the whole world that the Asian peoples will not tolerate the US imperialist led drive to conquer Asia.

The anti-war coalition occupied an important space in the World Social Forum as well as the other anti-imperialist forums in Mumbai in January 2004. They worked out plans to develop the struggle to oust the US led occupation forces and make them pay reparations to the Iraqi people. They decided that they must firmly oppose any efforts of US imperialism to install a puppet regime in Iraq in violation of the will of the people. It has been decided to observe March 20, the day on which Iraq was invaded last year, as a  protest day world wide.

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Cuban government condemns treatment of Guantanamo Bay prisoners


A Cuban parliament statement issued at the end of December 2003 has described the US detention site on its territory a “concentration camp” and said inmates were subjected to “indescribable humiliations”.

Guantanamo Bay base was leased to the US by the former Batista regime, under an agreement signed before the revolution of 1959. The Cuban government has repeatedly described that agreement as illegal and pointedly refuses to cash the cheques for rental which the US sends every year.

The Cuban parliamentary statement has pointed out that the prisoners are totally isolated, without the possibility of communicating with their families or access to appropriate legal defence. “They commit very serious attacks on human dignity, in an atmosphere of hysteria and fear nurtured by North America’s far-right,” the statement has declared.  

About 660 people are being held at the US naval base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Most of them have been picked up in Afghanistan, and have been detained for almost two years without access to lawyers. The detentions have been not only been condemned by countries and peoples opposed to the unjust aggression of US imperialism and human rights groups, but also by some allies of the US.

As the US government has classified the men as “enemy combatants”, rather than prisoners of war, they are not given the protections of the Geneva Conventions. The Bush administration has also said the men have no rights to the American legal system because they are being held in a foreign land! On 30th December 2003, US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has named a former army general to oversee military tribunals for those held at Guantanamo Bay. John Altenburg, who retired after 28 years in the US army, is to approve charges against the detainees and appoint the members of the military panels that will try them. The rules for the trials, including allowing the Pentagon to monitor communications between defendants and their lawyers, have also been widely condemned by lawyers and others as major infringements of human rights and obstruction of legal defences.

The manner in which people from a far away land, Afghanistan, have been incarcerated for years on end in a desolate concentration camp in the most indescribable conditions, without being able to communicate with their families and without legal aid is a gives the lie to the imperialist claims that they are upholders of human rights. In fact, the crimes being committed by the Anglo American imperialists in Cuba, Iraq and elsewhere show that it is they who are the greatest violators of human rights. How can they claim to be “liberators” of the Iraqi or any other people?  How dare they accuse any one else of being “threats to peace and humanity”!

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Revelations on Halliburton and MI 6’s lies:
Avarice and deception are the cornerstones of
Anglo – American imperialists’ Iraq foray


It was revealed on December 2003 that a subsidiary of the Oil Company Halliburton, which was responsible for supplying gasoline in Iraq, had overcharged to the extent of more than 61 million dollars. Halliburton was the company headed by the present US Vice President Cheney, before he assumed office. Similarly, more and more evidence is coming to light of how the British intelligence agency MI6 ran a dubious campaign of misinformation called “Operation Mass Appeal”. This was designed to deceive people in UK and many other countries into believing that the former regime in Iraq had stockpiles of dangerous weapons which were a source of peril to the peoples of the West. 

The prices charged to the US government by Halliburton’s subsidiary, Kellogg, Brown Root (KBR), which has been importing refined petroleum products into Iraq under a mission awarded without competitive bids have been widely criticized in the US. In early December 2003, the US Defence Department’s auditing agency supported the allegations. The Pentagon auditors found that KBR has been charging $2.27 a gallon to deliver petrol from Kuwait - nearly double the price of a similar contract for petrol from Turkey at $1.18 Thus, the company may have charged up to $61 million too much for delivering gasoline to Iraqi citizens. The ensuing hue and cry has forced the US imperialists to declare that new contractors would be brought in to replace Halliburton.

Only a few weeks ago, the US imperialists asserted that they were fully justified in awarding “reconstruction” contracts in Iraq only to companies from those countries whose governments supported the war. It is thus amply clear that greed was and remains one of the key reasons to aggress upon and continue to occupy Iraq. The UK Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon has said that British troops will still be in Iraq on New Year’s Day 2005. This is a clear admission that the aims of the Anglo – American imperialists are not merely to find and destroy enigmatic ‘weapons of mass destruction” but to stay put and control and exploit the land and labour of the Iraqi people. 

Former UN chief weapons inspector Scott Ritter told reporters in the House of Commons that he was involved personally with Operation Mass Appeal between the summer of 1997 until August 1998 when he resigned from the UN. Mr Ritter said the MI6 operation was designed to “shake up public opinion” by passing dubious intelligence on Iraq to the media. “The government, both here in the UK and the US, would feed off these media reports, continuing the perception that Iraq was a nation ruled by a leader with an addiction to WMDs (weapons of mass destruction).”

The last few weeks have seen the imperialist chieftains and their spokesmen unable to cover up their own deceit. In a Christmas message to troops, UK Prime Minister Blair claimed that the Iraq Survey Group (ISG) had found “massive evidence of a huge system of clandestine laboratories”. He said the discovery showed Saddam had attempted to “conceal weapons”. Without realizing that it was Mr Blair had made the claim, Paul Bremer, head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, publicly denied this. When told that the claims were made by US imperialism’s staunchest ally Mr Blair, Mr Bremer was forced to backtrack.

All the premises based on which the coalition led by the US imperialists aggressed on and occupied Iraq have been revealed to be patently false. In fact, it has now been revealed that very calculated and deliberate campaigns of deceit have been run in the mass media by the intelligence agencies for years on end. Thus, the imperialists have been literally preparing the grounds for aggressing on Iraq for the past several years. The issue of oil contracts is perhaps just one which went a little too far, even by the imperialists own standards of greed. It is thus inevitable that the people of Iraq resent being occupied by such cruel, chicanerous and rapacious forces such as the Anglo – American imperialists.

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Hutton Commission of Inquiry aims to cover up colonial annexationist aims


Sir,

There is much excitement in the air about the report of the Commission of Inquiry headed by the Law Lord, Lord Justice Brian Hutton regarding the involvement of 10 Downing Street in the matter of the Iraq dossier, and the leaking to the press of the identity of the ‘mole’ from the Ministry of Defence Dr. David Kelly, who had allegedly told the BBC that there had been inclusions in the dossier that the Blair Government knew to be dubious. It is rumoured that heads will roll soon because of the compromise of truth by the Blair Government and perhaps by Mr. Blair himself. Also at stake is the credibility of the BBC. Whatever the outcome of the report, it is a perfect time for all thinking individuals to ask many questions.

The whole affair of the Commission of Inquiry continues to perpetuate the myth that in the sphere of governance there is considerable accountability and indeed that there is a system of checks and balances in the United Kingdom. It also causes much confusion in the public mind about the real motive of the infamous dossier which was to pave the path to an unprovoked and illegal war of occupation against a hapless third world country. Indeed, the present war of occupation is a crime with few parallels in the post World War era. The real reason for the war which is that of colonial annexation and control of production and supply of petroleum has been hidden behind the smoke screen of weapons of mass destruction and other lies. The crime of 10 Downing Street is not merely whether or not it mislead the public, the crime is that it is an integral partner in the so-called ‘coalition of the willing’ which seeks to establish a new world order (also known as the New American Century) by the use of brute force. It is well known that public opinion in the UK has always been against the war. Therefore the question of whether or not the public opinion has been misled is a moot question.

Another question that arises is, of course, the role of the BBC itself. It has been established by several media watch dog bodies that the BBC was the foremost cheerleader for the war against Iraq. However, the BBC would like to also occupy the space of informed and objective opinion. By pretending that it blew the whistle on the Blair Government’s activities, it would like to perpetuate the myth of a free and fair press in the UK. Progressive forces should not be swayed by the hysteria that is going to be generated by the Hutton Commission report and should be steadfast in their determination towards building their own organizations and tools of dissemination of opinion.

Sincerely, B. Khanna Leicester

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US tries to deflect attention from its credibility crisis by talking about “democracy”


Sir,

The ‘weapons of mass destruction’ issue has again cropped up in a significant manner with the resignation of the United States Chief of the program Mr. Kay tendering his resignation. He is supposed to have expressed his frustration and is now of the opinion that there probably never were any weapons of mass destruction in the first place. There is speculation in the press about the possibility that there had been an ‘intelligence failure’ and worse that part of the so called programs of the regime of Saddam Hussein remain hidden in Syria. In other words, there is a pretence that the war against Iraq is not a war of colonial conquest to capture choke points of the world economy, but was always a war that was fought on terms of good faith of pre-emptive action. The credibility of the Bush Government is now at an all time low across the world, and in order to deflect attention from this, at the World Economic Forum the Vice President Mr. Cheney spoke of the need for democracy in Iran and other middle eastern countries. These events emphasize the urgency for the need to organize progressive opinion to stop further disasters from taking place.

Sincerely,
S. Grover, New York

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CPM led governments call for "crushing terrorism" in the north-east


It has been widely reported that over the past couple of months, the Royal Bhutanese Army and the Indian Army have unleashed a fascist reign of terror in the region near the border with Bhutan. Hundreds of men, women and children have been brutally massacred, women have been raped and hundreds have been arrested, in the name of “crushing terrorists and separatists”. It has also been reported recently, that the operation against “terrorists” will be continued along the border with Myanmar and Bangladesh. Meanwhile, the CPM led governments of West Bengal and Tripura have urged the Central government to step up its drive against the “terrorists” in the entire north-east as well as along the North-eastern borders. They have asked the Central government to impress upon the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh to take up the operation of “crushing terrorists”, allegedly operating against India from their soil.

In a letter to the Central government, the Tripura Chief Minister has hailed the “thoroughgoing drive” of the Royal Bhutan Army to flush out “terrorists” and “militants” from Bhutanese territory. He has urged the Prime Minister to “impress upon Bangladeshi leaders the necessity of busting the terrorist camps operating in their territory. . . They must take a leaf out of Bhutan’s book and launch a drive to flush out the extremists from their territory, in order to deal a decisive blow to insurgency throughout the north-east, including Tripura”. Earlier, the West Bengal chief minister too had similarly urged the Central government to assist in “flushing out extremists and naxalites”.

The problems of “terrorism”, “insurgency”, “separatist forces”, etc. that are today being sought to be crushed by these army operations, are all part of the unresolved political problems of the north-east. They are a part of the colonial legacy, a consequence of the cruel and unjust division of the subcontinent and forcible subjugation of the nations and peoples of the north-east. The Indian state has always treated them as a “law and order” problem and used brute force of arms to crush the sovereign aspirations of the peoples of the north-east. The peoples of the north-east have never accepted their forcible inclusion into the Indian Union, nor have they ever been cowed down by the fascist state terror that the Indian state has continuously unleashed against the people there. This state terror is continuing and being stepped up in recent times, as the above reports show.

The brutal state terror that the Indian state continues to launch against the various nations, nationalities and peoples that are today included formally within the Indian Union constitute a heinous violation of human rights. They are part of the state terror and fascist violence that the state of the Indian bourgeoisie continually uses against the masses of the working and oppressed people. It is well-known that the British colonisers referred to the peoples fighting for their liberation from the colonial yoke as “terrorists”. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Indian bourgeoisie, which took over the colonial state apparatus after 1947, should use the same terminology and continue the same legacy of repression. However, it is indeed unforgivable that there are some who call themselves “communists” and yet chant in unison with the state of the bourgeoisie, on the question of “defending the unity and territorial integrity” of the present-day Indian Union, on the issue of “flushing out” and “crushing terrorists and separatists”, rather than organising the workers, peasants and all the oppressed peoples, nations, nationalities and tribal peoples, with the vision of building a new India, in which sovereignty shall be in the hands of the oppressed peoples and the Indian Union shall be a voluntary union of free nations, nationalities and peoples.

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