| |
| Internet Edition: September 1-15, 2004 |
|
TABLE OF CONTENTS
|
| |
| Unity
and Struggle within the Communist Movement The two-day conference on the burning issues facing the movement, held on 7th and 8th August in Delhi, attracted communists and activists from many parties and organisations. The discussion reflected both the unity that exists among communists and the struggle that needs to be waged against alien trends within this movement. The discussion on the opening day made it clear that there was unity among all the participants that the replacement of BJP by the Congress Party does not mark any change as far as the orientation of the economy and economic policy is concerned, nor in the class nature of the state. Every speaker agreed with this assessment, without exception. There was agreement on what has not changed. However, there were different views expressed about the significance of what has changed. The struggle between two opposing views on this question developed in the course of the discussion. The view expressed by the opening speaker from the Communist Ghadar Party of India, and by many other participants, is that what has changed are the slogans, the ideological stance and posturing, i.e., the tactics of the bourgeoisie to deal with the mass resistance to its rule. The opposite view, which was expressed during the discussion, is that “some democratic space” has been created as a result of the replacement of the ‘fascist’ NDA regime by the ‘secular’ UPA regime. The domination and dictate of finance capital is the economic basis for the growing fascism in the political sphere. If this Marxist-Leninist thesis is accepted, then how can it be that the danger of fascism has receded and some democratic space has been created, even though the dictate of finance capital remains unchanged? Many speakers from among the workers, peasants, women and youth expressed their strong opposition to the view that some democratic space has been created. They illustrated with real life examples that no such space was available to the exploited and oppressed majority in the country. The glaring anti-democratic stand of the UPA regime with respect to the mass movement in Manipur was cited as the clearest exposure of its real nature. How can any progressive and democratic force deny the just and popular demand to repeal the fascist Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act? Is it permissible for communists to support such a fascist policy in the name of defending the unity and integrity of India? These were among the many thought provoking questions raised during the two-day discussion. Many participants emphasized that the class struggle must be waged with the aim of bringing into being a revolutionary government – that is, an alliance of political forces interested in fundamental economic and political changes. The duty of communists is to provide the consciousness, the theory and organisation required to achieve this aim. Those who are defending the UPA regime argue that even though this is not a pro-working class regime, it must be defended because otherwise the communal BJP will allegedly come back. They argue that the possibility of a worker-peasant front coming to power is ruled out at this time; hence the wisest thing to do is to support the “lesser evil” among the big bourgeois parties. The implication is that the class struggle must be confined within such limits as not to destabilise the UPA regime. Why is the possibility of a revolutionary alternative to BJP and Congress Party to be ruled out at this time? Those who make this assertion tend to blame the workers and peasants themselves for their lack of preparedness. On the other hand, those who argue that a revolutionary government must be the immediate aim of the movement point out the weaknesses in the leadership of the communist movement. They identify the harmful tendency of conciliating with bourgeois ideology on the question of democracy as being among the principal roadblocks to the struggle for worker-peasant rule. The opening speech on the second day emphasized the necessity for the communist movement to sum up the experience of the rise and defeat of proletarian democracy in the 20th century. It is essential to draw the appropriate lessons from this experience in order to defeat the bourgeois assertion today that there is nothing better than multi-party democracy and its political process of “free and fair elections”. The discussion on the roadblocks to worker-peasant rule revealed the divergent views that exist within the communist movement on important questions of theory and ideology. Should the vanguard party of the working class be united like steel around one single line, or should it be accepted that the struggle between two lines within the party is inevitable and necessary for its growth? Does the 1936 Constitution of the Soviet Union represent the highest level of proletarian democracy achieved so far, or does the ‘Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution’ in China represent that high point? Is the struggle against modern revisionism and social-democracy to be considered as “already settled”, or is it essential to wage this struggle afresh in the conditions of today? It is clear that the discussion of theoretical and ideological questions among communists belonging to different parties is still at an early stage of development. Many of the participants expressed their strong desire that such discussion must continue, through many more conferences of this kind and through other means. Mazdoor Ekta Lehar/People’s Voice is presenting a brief summary of the views expressed at this two-day conference. We call on you, our readers, to take an active interest and participate in the ongoing discussion on the burning questions facing our movement. Send us your views in writing, to the P.O. Box address or to the CGPI web site, where a space has been created for discussion. |
| The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act must be repealed at once! The vast majority of people in Manipur, Nagaland and Assam are raising in one voice the demand for immediate repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. This is an entirely just demand that deserves the active and unconditional support of all communists and defenders of democratic rights and human rights. The Manmohan Singh Government has refused to repeal the Act, citing the age-old justification that it is allegedly required for the defence of “national security”. This worn out justification flies in the face of the fact that the people of Manipur have come out in protest precisely because they do not have any security, even security of life, under this Act. The Armed Forces have unbridled rights, including the right to kill anyone on mere suspicion, with no legal protection for the victims and their families. The people of Manipur have raised the legitimate question: what is this “national security” which is at the expense of the security of life of the entire people of Manipur, who are supposed to be the citizens of India? The raging mass movement in Manipur, involving every section of society, has caught the attention of the broad masses of Indian people, as well as the world's peoples. The savage repression unleashed by the Indian Armed Forces there, against women and children, youth and peasants – is not different in quality from the fascist acts of the Anglo-American imperialists in Iraq. The brazen inhuman acts, such as shooting young boys in the head in broad daylight, have matched or even surpassed the Abu Ghraib tortures. While the Anglo-American imperialists are subjugating Iraqis to such inhuman treatment in the name of bringing ‘freedom’ to Iraq and wiping out Islamic terrorists, the Government of India is behaving in the same way in Manipur, in the name of defending ‘national security’ and wiping out armed insurgents. While the Chief Minister of Manipur and the entire elected legislature in the state recommended that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act be repealed, the Union Home Minister has not only refused but threatened the Chief Minister that he must immediately ensure "law and order" or else the Centre will find a suitable alternative. In other words, the Manipur government is being compelled to either go against the conscience of the majority of legislators and masses of people, or else it is being threatened with dismissal. The Indian Union is acting in typical colonial style, in total disregard of the rights of the people and the elected government in Manipur. The Home Minister claims that the removal of the AFSP Act will negatively affect the "morale" of the armed forces. This is extremely cruel and self-serving logic, considering that the present movement against this fascist Act was triggered by the cold-blooded rape and shooting to death of 32 year-old Manorama Devi under the custody of the Armed Forces. It was also fuelled by other inhuman acts of terror, such as the secret murder and burial of a pastor in the Kuki area of Manipur. It is well known that the Indian Armed Forces not only act as an occupation army with unlimited powers in the North East, but they are also in charge of smuggling and bootlegging in the border areas, collecting a regular “hafta” from traders and transporters. The Home Minister’s concern about negative effect on the "morale" of the armed forces means, in simple language, that if the Act is removed they will not be able to carry on with the rape and plunder of the North East as in the past. At a time when democratic public opinion, in India and on the international scale, is rallying in support of the just demand for repeal of the fascist AFSP Act, the communists in the Indian parliament are silent, or worse still, extending support to the Manmohan Singh Government’s arrogant stand. For communists to repeat the justification that the fascist Act is allegedly required for defending “national security” means to completely betray the rights of the people and bring dishonour to the name of communism. The leaders of CPI(M), who have printed not a word about Manipur in their weekly organ People’s Democracy, claim that the problem in Manipur is the creation of “underground insurgency”. This despite the fact that the whole world has seen the vivid images on television of tens of thousands of women, men and children protesting on the streets! Do the leaders of CPI(M) consider all Manipuris to be terrorists? Is this not the outlook of the Bushes and Blairs of the world, which the CPI(M) condemns so vociferously? Should the communist members of Parliament not question why the Manipur Assembly is being prevented from listening to the voices of the people of Manipur and acting according to their wishes? Should every democratic force not raise its voice against this outright undemocratic and arrogant stand of the Central Government? The will of the vast majority of people of Manipur has been expressed very clearly in rich and varied forms, with one content and one common demand – that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act must be repealed in full, and the armed forces confined to their barracks. This is the minimum condition for restoring normalcy in Manipur, as well as in neighbouring Nagaland and Assam. This is entirely just and reasonable. It deserves to be supported by all democratic and anti-fascist forces. The struggle for the repeal of the AFSPA is part and parcel of the struggle against imperialism, fascism and war – and for the renewal of Indian democracy and the Indian Union. It is a struggle for the reconstitution of India on modern democratic lines in which the human rights of all will be respected, including the rights of nations, nationalities, and tribal peoples who constitute this union. It is a struggle of fundamental importance for the future of our country. People’s Voice calls on all communists to rise to the occasion and organise the Indian working class and democratic public opinion in support of the just demand for the immediate repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. Members and supporters of the CPI and CPI (M) must demand of their leadership that they stop justifying the colonial and fascist policy of the Central Government in the North East, and come to the defence of the inviolable rights of every nationality and every citizen within India, without exception. |
|
1.
Elections and disarmament Faced with disaster in Iraq, and needing a success story ahead of the US Presidential elections in November, the administration of US President Bush has been pulling out all the stops to hold an “election” in Afghanistan, scheduled at present for October 9. That such an election is being held in a situation of mounting anarchy and violence, which has caused even international agencies such as the UN to pull out staff from Afghanistan, makes no difference to the US imperialists. To gain some credibility for this venture, the US and the government of Hamid Karzai that it installed in power claim that they are achieving stupendous success in voter registration. It is being said that 7.5 million out of a total eligible voting population of 10 million have already registered, of whom about 40% are women. These claims are being seriously questioned even in the western media. With more than 2 million refugees spread out over neighbouring regions, and over 180,000 displaced from their homees, together with a situation of continuous warfare, the voter registration figures are highly unbelievable. Even the spokesman of the international donor-funded group Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) has gone on record saying that it is very regrettable that these elections are being foisted on the Afghan people under the present conditions primarily to fulfill the wishes of external powers. It is no secret that the US imperialists will do everything to ensure that their chosen henchman Hamid Karzai is declared the winner of the election. This shows clearly the true nature of the “democracy” that the Americans and their allies want to see installed in Afghanistan. What they want is a regime that gives them full licence to do what they want with the country, while the fiction of “elections”, “national assembly”, etc., is maintained. Karzai himself is a tried and tested agent of the US imperialists, who was formerly a consultant to Unocol, the American gas consortium that has been trying for years to build a pipeline through Afghanistan to carry oil and natural gas from Central Asia to the warm water ports on the Indian Ocean. While the election process is being well publicised in the international media, what is going on simultaneously on the ground is an all-out campaign to disarm the people of Afghanistan. Decades of warfare have meant that masses of people have arms in their hands. The US imperialists and their allies know that their position can never be secure as long as this situation remains. The so-called “Afghan New Beginnings Program” which began last year has as its aim the disarming of armed fighters other than the puppet “Afghan National Army” set up by the occupying forces. Verification teams are being sent out to identify those carrying arms and to confiscate their weapons, in the process fingerprinting them as well. Since the writ of the Karzai government does not extend much in the provinces, the program has had to rely so far on voluntary surrender of weapons. As a result, less than 6,500 individuals have been disarmed so far, although the number of persons belonging to private militias alone is said to be more than 100,000. The plan to build up a 70,000-strong Afghan National Army has also run into hot water, with the force still being less than 7,000 in strength. Since it began recruiting, nearly 3,000 recruits have run away. Thus, despite all the attempts of the US and NATO and the Karzai regime to present a rosy picture of Afghanistan, as compared to Iraq, the situation there is extremely volatile. It is being made out that the problem there is just one of infighting among rival private militia. Actually, nearly three years after they invaded Afghanistan, the control of the invading forces and their henchmen is far from secure. In the past, the Afghan people have never tolerated any foreign power occupying their country. There is no indication that they will do so now. 2.Revival of opium trade in Afghanistan after imperialist occupation While the US imperialists wage their “war against terror” in Afghanistan, allegedly to bring back “civilisation” to that country, the production and trade in opium has received a new lease of life. According to the US Office of Drug Control Policy, 61,000 hectares of poppy (from which opium is extracted) were cultivated in 2003. This is about double the production of the previous year. Under the previous regime of the Taliban, opium production was certified by UN authorities in Afghanistan to have come down to virtually nothing. The government at that time had taken stern steps to compel producers to abandon cultivation of poppy, and had destroyed heroin laboratories. Wheat and onions were grown in fields in which poppy had been earlier cultivated. The US imperialists in Afghanistan are pleading their inability now to control the trade in the drug because of their preoccupation with the “war against terror”. This shows their utter hypocrisy. In the name of waging war on drugs, they have bullied and invaded sovereign countries and jailed heads of state, as in the case of Panama. But in Afghanistan, where they are sitting with tens of thousands of troops, they are directly responsible for and collaborating with the revival of the opium business. Unable to ensure the livelihood of the farmers in that war-torn country, they are in effect encouraging them to grow opium, which fetches a high price. By doing so, they are putting at risk the lives and health of people all over the world. 3.US mercenaries active in Afghanistan Hot on the heels of the revelations of inhuman crimes committed by Americans at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, comes the news of atrocities such as torture, rape and kidnapping committed by Americans in Afghanistan. The public outcry against the Americans involved in these crimes was so great that three of them were eventually arrested and brought to trial in Kabul at the end of July. Afghans who had been imprisoned in the jail run by these thugs testified to their torture. One said: "They pulled me out of my house one morning, hooded me and broke a rib with a gun... They poured hot water on me too", while another testified that he was tied and made to hang upside down. Reporters who attended the trial said that “chaotic scenes” were witnessed as the accused were brought in. This time, the US authorities have tried to evade responsibility by claiming that these Americans were operating on their own initiative, and had nothing to do with the US government. However, their story was blown when one of the individuals claimed that he was acting “under contract” from the Pentagon, and that he was in regular e-mail, telephone and fax contact with the office of the US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. At the trial, they even revealed to reporters the name of the Defence Department official with whom they worked. They claimed to have actively assisted in the “anti-terror” operations of the US forces in Afghanistan. Between
Guantanamo Bay, Abu Ghraib and Afghanistan alone, it is clear that the
US claim that they have had to invade sovereign countries in order to
defend “human rights”, is just a pack of cynical lies. The
plea that the abuses and atrocities committed by their personnel are just
“aberrations” also stands exposed. The torture, rape and murder
of innocent civilians is part and parcel of the arsenal of the imperialists,
who are the real terrorists in the world today.
|
| Venezuela President Chavez wins referendum President Chavez of Venezuela convincingly won a referendum called by the reactionary opposition seeking to remove him from office on August 15. This was the latest in a long series of such attempts. The August 15 referendum was hotly contested and attracted a record turn-out. Over 58 % of those who participated voted “NO!” to the question of whether Mr Chavez should be removed from office. Incidentally, Mr Chavez himself inserted the referendum into the Venezuelan constitution in 1999. Not only has Mr Chavez won two presidential elections; he has also survived six referendums! Venezuela is one of the world's largest oil producers, yet 80% of Venezuelans are poor. For several decades, political power was concentrated in the hands of a mostly white, upper class elite, who controlled the country's huge oil wealth. From time to time, people have revolted against the two-party political system which they regarded as corrupt and serving the interests of the rich minority. However, these revolts were put down with brute force. One major revolt, which came to be later known as the Caracazo, took place in 1989, when street protests in the capital city of Caracas were harshly dealt with by military force. It is estimated that at least a thousand people were killed by the armed forces at that time. Mr Chavez, a former army officer of indigenous lineage, surprised the political elite with his victory in the 1998 presidential elections, winning 56 % of the votes. His opponents are mostly white and rich, and control most of the media and business. The Chavista (pro- Chavez) movement however has a lot of support among the toiling and poor people of the country, not only among workers and people marginalised by the economy but also by sections of the middle class. Mr Chavez has won widespread support among Venezuela's poor majority by carrying out some reforms providing them access to health and education. Medical attention was made free of charge and extended into the most remote areas, jobs were being created, and food was distributed at low prices. Land titles were handed out to farmers who could never dream of owning their own plots, and young and old alike were given the opportunity to pursue advanced studies. Millions of dollars have been spent to teach adults to read and on loans to farmers and small businesses, while doctors from Cuba have willingly been sent to slums where people were denied proper health care for decades. Though Mr Chavez’s government has not really succeeded in redistributing land or property as per its stated intent, the very fact that the government has given a voice and a feeling of self esteem to the poor and previously marginalised sections of society has angered the propertied elite of Venezuela. Venezuela is a case that shows clearly that if the rich minority of a country is unable to control the political power of the country by “democratic” means, it does not hesitate to use all foul means to attain its goal. In this, it has had the overt and covert support of the US imperialists as well as the reactionary regimes in neighbouring countries. The reactionary opposition has organised strikes aimed at crippling the nation’s oil exports and economy, as well as several coup attempts. In April 2002, scores of people were killed and hundreds wounded as Mr Chavez was ousted in a short-lived coup. He was later returned to power in a popular uprising. Again, several people were killed in political riots organised by the opposition in March 2003. In May 2004, eighty-eight Colombian paramilitaries were captured in Caracas while training for an assault on a military installation. In July this year, former Venezuelan president Perez, acknowledging that the Venezuelan opposition would lose the then upcoming referendum against constitutionally elected Chavez, openly advocated using violence as a way to rid the nation of Hugo Chavez. Perez, living under protection of the US imperialists in Miami, also said that once Chavez was ousted, democratic institutions should be dissolved and a dictatorship imposed. "We can't just get rid of Chavez and immediately have a democracy... we will need a transition period of two or three years to lay the foundations for a state where the rule of law prevails. A collegiate body (junta) must govern during that transition and lay the democratic foundations for the future. When Chavez falls, we must shut down the National Assembly and also the Supreme Court. All the Chavista institutions must disappear," he said. Mr Perez is a social-democrat, and his remarks are by no means an aberration. The reactionary elite of Latin America, with the active support of the big monopolies of the US as well as with aid from the covert agencies of the US such as the CIA and FBI, have a long history of overthrowing democratically elected popular governments which they do not control. The 1973 coup in Chile deposing the government of Salvador Allende is a classical example. The people of Venezuela have thus once again voted overwhelmingly in favour of forces that have promised them material and social progress. Yet they know only too well that the rich elite in their country, with the support of the US imperialists and other reactionary forces, will not stop their efforts to snatch away what little they have won. The people of India view with respect and sympathy the struggle of the fraternal people of Venezuela for social progress. |
Bush propaganda kicked badly by Iraqi football team Advertisements released as part of the election campaign of US Imperialist chieftain Bush claimed that “two more free nations and two fewer terrorist regimes” were present at the Athens Olympics. Members of the Iraqi football team have roundly condemned this. They have asked that the US imperialists leave Iraq immediately and have openly supported the resistance of the patriots fighting the US-led forces. In an interview to the magazine Sports Illustrated, Midfielder Salih Sadir called for US troops to be withdrawn from Iraq. "We don't wish for the presence of the Americans in our country. We want them to go away." He said the team was angry it had been used in Mr Bush's re-election campaign ads. "Iraq as a team does not want Mr Bush to use us for the presidential campaign," he said. "He can find another way to advertise himself." Another star player, 22-year-old Falluja resident Ahmed Manajid, said that if he were not playing football for his country in Athens, he would surely be fighting as part of the resistance. "I want to defend my home. If a stranger invades America and the people resist, does that mean they are terrorists?" he asked. "Everyone in Falluja has been labeled a terrorist. These are all lies. Falluja people are some of the best people in Iraq!" He wondered how Bush would meet his god after having slaughtered so many men and women and committing so many crimes. Coach Adnan Hamad said he was concerned with what the Bush administration was doing in Iraq. "My problems are not with the American people. They are with what America has done in Iraq: destroy everything," he said. "The American army has killed so many people in Iraq. What is freedom when I go to the stadium and there are shootings on the road?" Football is a very popular game in Iraq and the Iraqi team has in fact won some matches in Athens against all odds. The team members have had to brave bombs and shootings by the coalition forces and others when they went out to practice in Iraq. Their frank remarks have shown the propaganda of the US imperialists, that “twenty-five million people in Iraq are free as a result of the actions of the coalition", to be a complete lie. The truth is that the US-led imperialist coalition is a hated occupying force that the millions of Iraqi people despise and wish to get rid of at the earliest. |
| Democratic forces in Delhi demand the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and express solidarity with the Manipuri people On August 28, hundreds of people participated in a mass dharna outside parliament. They were expressing their complete solidarity with the ongoing struggle of the Manipuri people for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFPSA) in their state. The demonstrators condemned the ban imposed on many of the organisations leading the current agitation as well as the arrest of over 30 leaders of these mass organisations under the National Security Act. They condemned the repression unleashed on the unarmed protestors who came from schools and universities, hospitals and villages, and included large numbers of youth, women and girls. A number of speakers from different organisations addressed the dharna. The speakers pointed out how the Indian state's diabolical attempts to divide the Manipuri people along ethnic/religious lines were failing. Meiteis, Nagas and Kukis all had come forward unitedly to demand the withdrawal of the AFSPA. The Indian army recently tried to forcibly organise a march of Nagas saying they wanted the AFSPA to stay. This was immediately condemned by the Naga organisations, and the fact that people were being forced to demonstrate by the Army in its favour was exposed. The solidarity of the peoples of Manipur was hailed. Amongst the organisations that participated in the dharna were the Peoples’
Union of Democratic rights (PUDR), the Lok Raj Sangathan, the Naujawan
Bharat Sabha, the AIPRF, the Manipuri Students Association and the Peoples
Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL). There were teachers and students from
the Universities as well as a large number of working class youth and
women of Delhi. Following the dharna, a Press Conference was conducted in the Press
Club in which over 100 people participated. Jagat, the spokesperson of
the organisations leading the struggle in Manipur, Kamal Mitra Chenoy,
Surendra Mohan and Siddharth Varadarajan addressed the Press Conference. Speakers denounced the various arguments being advanced by the Central
government, against the demand for repeal of the AFSPA. ·Kamal Mitra Chenoy argued strongly against the government's logic that the AFSPA is necessary to deal with the underground secessionist movements. He pointed out that the mass movement that we are witnessing in Manipur over the last month, involving thousands of youth, women and even school children, clearly shows that the AFSPA is directed against the ordinary people of Manipur. The demand for the repeal of the AFSPA is the demand of the masses of Manipur and cannot be crushed by brute force, as the central government has been trying to do. He called for a dialogue and political solution to the problems of the Manipuri people. · Surendra Mohan reminded the central government that at the time the Supreme Court ratified the AFSPA, it had imposed certain conditions, which have been repeatedly and brutally violated by the Assam Rifles of the Indian Army. He therefore questioned the very validity of the Act remaining in force, and called upon all to work together to ensure that the AFSPA is scrapped and the Indian army is sent back to its barracks.
|
What
has changed and what has not changed? Comrades and friends, The 14th Lok Sabha elections have resulted in the replacement of one alliance of parties in power, led by the BJP, with another alliance of parties in power, led by the Congress Party. A great deal of confusion is being created today on the question as to what has changed and what has not changed. Hence a sober assessment is required. The tone of the UPA government’s propaganda, the rhetoric of its Ministers, the slogans – these have undergone a change from those of its predecessor. A so-called National Common Minimum Programme, or NCMP, formulated after consulting the left parties in Parliament, has been unveiled as proof of the ‘human’ face' of the new government. Notwithstanding these, the UPA Government is committed to the same imperialist course as the previous regime. This is to be achieved through rapid capitalist growth, led by the globalisation of Indian capital, through liberalisation and privatisation, in collaboration and contention with US and other imperialist powers. There is no change whatsoever in the way the economy runs, based on an extremely skewed distribution of ownership of the means of production. The big business houses and financial institutions are still in control of the principal means of production and will continue to appropriate a huge and rising share of the value created by the toil of the working masses. Finance Minister Chidambaram’s budget does not mark any fundamental departure from Jaswant’s Singh’s budget. It shows that the rate of revenue extraction by the Centre continues to be the highest from those who depend on monthly wages or salary incomes. It is the lowest from those with capitalist private property. His new tax proposals are not designed to change the basic class character of the tax regime. On the other hand, various tax benefits have been extended to the capitalists in specific industries. According to Chidambaram’s estimates, total debt service payments are projected to consume 84% of the gross revenues collected by the Central Government. In other words, the Indian and international banks, insurance companies and other financial institutions, including the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank -- the financial oligarchy -- will continue to have the first and largest claim on the revenues extracted from the toiling majority. Next to debt servicing, the second largest claim is by the Ministry of Defence. Together, debt servicing and defence will exhaust the entire revenue in 2004-05. For all other claims, including the claims of the people for their numerous essential needs, the Central Government will have to raise fresh loans. The present budget has lowered the forecast of receipts from disinvestment or privatisation, reflecting the deep trouble that the privatisation program has run into. The UPA Government plans to tread more cautiously, selecting only some sectors for open sale of public assets to private bidders, while leaving other sectors out for the time being. One of the objectives of this adjustment in tactics is to divide and dissipate the resistance of the working class. The less visible route of gradual downgrading of public ownership will be followed in the case of several major sectors, including telecom and insurance. Direct investment and control by foreign capital will be allowed in these sectors. Making the people pay more for public services, including water, electricity, education and hospital care will continue. In short, the drive of the big bourgeoisie to restrict the public domain and expand the space for reaping maximum private profits has not changed. What has changed is only the method and the ideological justifications. Comrades and friends, Much confusion is being spread about the so-called rural thrust of the new government. But, the only concrete measures of some benefit to some among the peasantry are a hike in the rate of duty on palm oil imports and compensation to the families of peasants in Andhra Pradesh who committed suicide after the UPA came to power. What is being promoted as a “new deal for rural India”, in the words of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, is a promise to double the flow of bank credit to rural borrowers over the next three years, extending the clutches of finance capital more comprehensively over rural India. V. I. Lenin, the great revolutionary leader and teacher, defined finance capital as the product of banking capital having merged with, and having subordinated to itself, industrial capital. He explained that finance capital becomes the dominant form of capital in the highest stage of capitalism. The domination of finance capital implies that productive capital is subordinated to the drive of interest-bearing capital to reap the maximum rate of return, immediately and at all times. The developments up to the first decade of the 21st century show that banking capital has not only merged with and subordinated industrial capital, but has to a large extent done the same with agricultural trading capital, as well as agro-processing and agri-business capital. It is trying to further enlarge the scope of its control over the fate of agriculture. The development of capitalism and commercial agriculture has accentuated the environmental problems, the insecurity of rainfall, risk due to floods, etc. The liberalisation of agricultural trade has increased the volatility of input and output prices. With such a high degree of uncertainty from one season to another, how can the peasants afford to borrow at commercial terms and guarantee prompt debt servicing to the banks? The problem faced by the peasantry cannot be solved by extending the grip of finance capital over them. What the peasants need is a guaranteed level of support from the State, both in terms of input and credit supply, and in terms of assured public procurement at stable and remunerative prices. However, what they are being promised is more loans from institutions that are being run on monopoly capitalist lines, which are geared towards reaping the highest rate of return. Providing guaranteed livelihood to the peasantry and protecting them from natural and market risks require a break from the path of ‘reforms’ dictated by finance capital. It requires a break from the principle that banking and insurance should be oriented towards reaping the maximum rate of return at all times. The UPA Government has neither the interest nor the capacity to make such a break. In the name of a new deal for rural India, the leaders of this regime are dangling the hangman’s noose in front of the peasants, pushing them deeper into the clutches of finance capital. What has changed, therefore, are the slogans, but not the nature of the State and its role in the economy. Comrades and friends, The NDA was one group of political parties, representing a class alliance dominated by the big bourgeoisie, with various regional bourgeois interests having each a minority share in power. The UPA is another group of parties, representing the same kind of class alliance. The big bourgeoisie remains the dominant force. What has changed is that some regional bourgeois interests have gained while some others have lost out. Regional bourgeois interests in Bihar have gained, for example, while those in Orissa have lost out. But, the class character of political power has not changed. An economic course dictated by finance capital will necessarily be accompanied by growing fascism in the political sphere. The developments over the past few decades clearly confirm this. State terrorism has been institutionalised over the entire country. Tens of thousands of innocent people in Punjab and Kashmir, Manipur, Assam and other states of the North East, as well as Gujarat, Maharashtra, Jharkand, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu, and other states of India have been brutally killed or incarcerated in the jails. All this has been carried out in the name of waging "war against terrorism" and defending the "national unity and territorial integrity" of India. Fascist laws like the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, Disturbed Areas Act, TADA, POTA and MPOCA, have given the armed forces of the state unbridled power to attack the democratic rights and civil liberties of entire peoples. The organising of communal and fascist violence has become institutionalised. It has become the preferred means to divide, divert and suppress the people in order to preserve the rule of big capital and stay on the path of privatisation and liberalisation. The Congress Party has the longest track record of suppressing democratic
rights. The Congress Party and the BJP are both well known for inciting
communal passions for their narrow partisan ends. They are both known
for using the state to unleash communal violence to drown the struggles
of the people in blood. The Congress Party preaches secularism and harmony, in the style of the European liberals and social-democrats, while also resorting to openly fanatical rhetoric when it chooses. On the other hand, the BJP employs openly fanatical propaganda, while it also has within its leadership those who advocate moderation and harmony, as Vajpayee did following the Gujarat genocide. Both parties have a track record of organising communal violence. Both have a vested interest in shielding the guilty. Broad masses of people have been persistent in their demand that those guilty of organising communal crimes must be tried and punished. When the BJP is in power, intellectuals who subscribe to the ideology of Hindutva, are promoted and given important positions. When the Congress Party is in power, intellectuals trained in European liberalism and social-democracy, get promoted to these positions. For the vast majority of people this spells no difference. So, what is happening is that the ruling class is adjusting its tactics to continue serving the interests of finance capital while pacifying the discontented masses and reconciling them to this course. Comrades and friends, Once we answer the question as to what has changed and what has not changed, we are also confronted with the all-important question as to what needs to change. The workers, peasants, working intellectuals, teachers, doctors, nurses and other professionals, small producers in the towns and villages – together we make up the overwhelming majority of the population. We are the productive forces. We are also the inheritors of the vast natural assets of India. However, it is a small minority of exploiters, headed by big monopoly houses and financial institutions, Indian and foreign, who appropriate the lion’s share of what is produced every year. This orientation of the economy needs to change. We want to reclaim what truly belongs to us, but has been usurped from us. The developments since 1947 show that the majority of people are still not masters of their own destiny. The present political process needs to change. A new system and process of democracy are needed, to make sure that the will of the majority is implemented at all times. In order to reclaim the wealth that we produce and our natural heritage, we the toiling and oppressed masses must lay claim to sovereignty – the supreme decision making power. We must build those institutions and political mechanisms that will enable us to make the decisions and exercise our power. It is necessary and possible to wipe out poverty from the face of India, provided those who are today the victims of exploitation and oppression become the rulers. What we need is a government that actually represents the majority. Such a government will take immediate measures to restrict the space for the capitalist monopolies and the financial oligarchy and will ensure that the claims of the toilers and tillers take priority. We need a government that will issue a moratorium on interest payments as well as principal repayments to the international financial institutions, and a moratorium on interest payments to domestic banks and insurance companies. Such a government will cut back on unproductive expenditures and the arms race. It will take steps to expropriate the ‘black’ wealth in the hands of the exploiters. It will reallocate the resources thus saved towards fulfilling the basic needs of the toilers and tillers. It will take up the task of wiping out poverty as the top priority and on a war footing. It will reverse the anti-popular privatisation measures. It will expand the public domain, starting with foreign trade and domestic wholesale trade. It will use the trade surplus to narrow the differences between urban and rural living conditions. It will provide a guaranteed livelihood to all the cultivators, as well as guaranteed supply of food and other essential consumption articles at affordable prices for all, through the establishment and strengthening of a universal Public Distribution System. If all available human resources are deployed to fulfill human needs, then there will be no shortage of jobs. There will be plenty of work for all. A worker-peasant government will ensure speedy and just punishment for those who have organised communal violence, state terrorism or committed any kind of violation of the rights of any section of the people. It will repudiate the policy and dismantle the apparatus of state terrorism. It will recognise and defend the national rights of different peoples within the Indian Union. It will ensure that the interests of the different constituents are harmonised with one another and with the general interests of Indian society. Comrades and friends, The aim of our struggle cannot and must not be to help stabilise the UPA Government, as some within the movement are advocating. The aim of our struggle is to change the class nature of political power and the basic orientation of the economy. On an immediate basis, we must build and strengthen people’s committees. We must fight for the establishment of a worker-peasant government – an anti-imperialist, anti-fascist and anti-war government -- as an instrument to open the path for the profound political and economic changes that are required. Step up the struggle to defeat the anti-people "reform" program of the bourgeoisie! No conciliation with the NCMP and the "secular” or “human" face of Congress rule! Forward with the class struggle against imperialism, capitalism and the bourgeoisie! For an India where every member of society will have assured prosperity and protection! Inquilab Zindabad! |
| What
are the Roadblocks to the Struggle for Worker-Peasant Rule and Comrades and friends, A small minority – the big monopoly bourgeois class -- controls the economic and financial assets of this country. The big bourgeoisie rules in alliance with various regional bourgeois interests, and sets the agenda for all of society. The majority of Indian people -- workers, peasants, other ‘self-employed’ or petty commodity producers, salaried professionals, women and youth -- are longing for a life without economic insecurity and social degradation, for a life without terror, in which they can live in peace and amity with each other. They want to celebrate their unique languages, customs and culture, including their distinctive national characteristics and religious beliefs. The aspirations and striving of this majority are in direct conflict with the drive of the big bourgeoisie to reap the maximum rate of profit. It is in conflict with those who see ‘divide and rule’ as the time tested cornerstone of their method of governance, and with those who want to convert India into a developed imperialist power by 2020. It stands to reason then, that the majority of people, in order to fulfill their aspirations, must have the power to exercise their will and block the path of the minority. For this, we -- the workers, peasants and all the oppressed -- have to become the rulers of India. Comrades and friends, Recent elections show that the vast majority of people are angry with the system of multi-party representative democracy. But they have no way out of this sandhi of alternating rule by the Congress Party and the BJP. While this underscores the need for a complete overhaul of the system and process of democracy, the problem is that some within the communist movement are blocking the path to overhaul democracy, even in thought. They are continuing to cling to parliamentary democracy and extending support to a Congress-led coalition. In the recent elections, the parties outside of the BJP-led coalition and Congress-led alliance and the independent candidates together received a vote share higher than the vote share of either the BJP or the Congress Party. The majority of people actually want an alternative to this repeating cycle of BJP rule and Congress rule. Moreover, lakhs of people in many parts of the country want the communists to lead the way to establish such an alternative. But the communist leaders are not prepared to take on this responsibility. Why is the communist movement not prepared to lead the workers and peasants to stake their claim for power? Facts show that the argument that the people are not prepared for establishing worker-peasant rule is without basis. So the real issue is -- why are communists not preparing the subjective conditions for revolution? One of the main reasons why the communist movement in India is stuck in a rut is that some parties within this movement have merged with the system of multi-party representative democracy. This is in spite of the fact that over 150 years ago, Marx and Engels had established the thesis that the working class and oppressed masses need their own state power. We cannot make any advance merely through a change of government, while leaving intact the existing bourgeois state, with its bureaucracy and armed forces. We have several examples in the 20th century of the toiling masses attempting to become the rulers, led by the working class and its communist party, such as in the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union emerged as a new kind of political power in the history of human civilization. Human consciousness and democratic centralized organisation played the key role in the development of the new political power and the new social system. The economic system was geared to fulfill the claims of all the toilers and tillers. The political power was based on elected bodies at the base of society, the soviets of deputies of the workers, peasants and soldiers, which sent deputies to the higher bodies – the soviets of the Republics and the Supreme Soviet of the Union. The USSR was constituted as a voluntary union among consenting peoples, each of whom were sovereign in their own right. Every constituent enjoyed the right to self-determination, including secession from the union. The soviets at all levels were working bodies, not parliamentary talk shops. They combined the power to make decisions and the responsibility for implementing the same. The bureaucracy was replaced by public employees paid only workmen’s wages and accountable to the elected bodies, which in turn were accountable to the toiling majority. With the human factor playing the key role, and the Communist Party providing the necessary consciousness and organisation, problems of the construction of socialism were sorted out successfully at the initial stage. The achievements of Soviet society during the 1920s and 1930s literally shook the entire world of science, of literature and the arts, public health and public education. The 1936 Constitution of the USSR clearly placed the right to select candidates for elections in the hands of the electorate, and not in the hands of any political party. Every citizen was to be ensured the right to elect and be elected, and to propose policy and legislative changes through the elected deputy, as well as the right to recall him or her at any time. However, the enabling rules and mechanisms were yet to be created, when the Second World War broke out in 1939. After the Second World War, once the reconstruction effort was over, instead of developing the enabling mechanisms for the people to deepen their role in governance, the party started becoming more and more entrenched in the state system. The human factor was downplayed, giving room for a new bourgeoisie to emerge. Step by step, the socialist system was destroyed from within. Finally, capitalist democracy with its multi-party political process was established. From this negative experience, the bourgeoisie draws its self-serving conclusion that socialism means one party dictatorship -- the negation of democracy. The real issue, however, is to end all forms of party dictatorship, so as to empower the majority, the working people. The lesson to draw from this experience is that people need enabling mechanisms to enforce their control over those they elect to the decision making bodies. In insisting that there can be no system of democracy other than the multi-party representative system, the Anglo-American imperialists and their allies are negating the fundamental right of every people to the political theory and system of their choice. One of the lessons from the Soviet experience is that only class conscious workers, united with all the working people of towns and villages, can build and develop a socialist society through revolution. The parliamentary path to socialism cannot be defeated merely by advocating armed struggle against the existing Indian State. The broad masses of people need to be politically united around the necessity for a new state power and political process that should take the place of the existing colonial style state and multi-party representative democracy. A communist party must not contribute to the illusion-mongering of the bourgeoisie about the supremacy of multi-party representative democracy. Nor should it marginalize itself from the political process and reduce itself to an isolated sect. It must use the electoral arena as one front of the class struggle, without merging with the bourgeois electoral process. The most important lesson from the rise and fall of proletarian democracy in the 20th century is that a Communist Party cannot and must not strive to bring itself to power, or keep itself in power. A proletarian party, by definition, seeks power for its class and not for itself. In order to achieve this goal, it must build the united political front of all the oppressed, and imbue the working class with the consciousness to lead the masses in the struggle to overthrow the bourgeoisie. Comrades and friends, Recent years have seen a widening of the scope of mass unity in action against the reforms. As the movement has grown in depth and scope, there has been a growing recognition of the necessity for communist unity. It was the united opposition of all the red flag unions in the country that ensured some partial successes in the struggle to halt the privatisation program. The unity in action achieved against the Anglo-American aggression and occupation of Iraq succeeded in preventing Indian troops from being sent there. On the other hand, when the communists are divided, it is the working class and broad masses of people who suffer as a result. Right at this moment, the courageous people of Manipur are out on the streets braving the might of the Indian Army, demanding in one voice the immediate abolition of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. But, the rulers of India are able to get away with naked fascist terror in the North East precisely because the communist movement is divided on the question of national rights and state terrorism. Those who have compromised with and accepted the parliamentary system have also compromised with the violation of national rights and human rights in the name of defending the unity and integrity of India. In like manner, the movement against imperialist aggression and war has suffered in the past when well known parties in the Indian communist movement supported the Soviet aggression and occupation of Afghanistan. The logic that a big power can commit aggression and armed occupation of an independent country and people, with the excuse that the regime in power is ‘fundamentalist’ or ‘terrorist’, is imperialist logic. Conciliation with imperialist logic under any pretext must be criticized and opposed uncompromisingly. It is essential that the communist movement comes to terms with its
serious and unpardonable errors. We must openly carry out criticism and
self-criticism within the communist movement to purge ourselves of all
forms of conciliation with imperialist aggression. We must clarify the
principles underlying our opposition to imperialist war and occupation,
including in Iraq and Afghanistan. Comrades and friends, In the period after the fall of the Soviet Union, in conditions of a stepped up offensive against communism, it is essential for communists to work together to develop and elaborate afresh the General Line of March and Program of the working class movement. Such work needs to be carried out in open view of all those who are opposed to the status quo, and with their participation. In this way, the progressive forces can be preserved and new space captured for preparing the subjective conditions for revolution. The retreat of revolution does not mean the end of revolution. History shows that the tide of social revolution goes through ups and downs. The objective necessity for revolution is making itself felt more strongly with each passing day. What is lagging behind are the subjective conditions, that is the collective consciousness and degree of preparedness of the working class and all the oppressed. It is the duty of communists to step up the work of preparing the class to ride the high tide of revolution when it arrives. If we – the workers, peasants and oppressed masses of India – want to become the rulers of this country, we must build and strengthen organs of people’s power today. We must build and strengthen the trade unions and other fighting organisations among the workers, peasants, women and youth. We must build non-partisan committees in the electoral constituencies, as enabling mechanisms for the electors to exercise their political rights. We must build the united political front of the workers, peasants, working professionals, women and youth, around an independent program for the renewal of India. Our strategic aim is to establish a new state power, where the majority
shall rule. The immediate aim is to establish an anti-imperialist, anti-fascist
and anti-war government. Such a government would make a clean break with
the imperialist course and the entire colonial legacy of empire building
and plunder. The immediate task is to build a broad united front of all
the forces that agree with these political aims. Come, Comrades! We can and must overcome the roadblocks to worker-peasant rule. We must overcome the barriers to political unity against imperialism and the bourgeoisie. Let us work together to restore the fractured unity of the working class and communist movement, and the movement of all the oppressed for their empowerment. Let us unite around the aim of making the workers, peasants and all the oppressed into the rulers of India. Let us step up the struggle against those who are conciliating with bourgeois democracy and tailing the Congress Party and its ‘middle path’. Let us work together to develop the united front of all those who agree with the necessity to establish an anti-imperialist, anti-fascist and anti-war government on an immediate basis. History and the laws of social development are on our side. The unfolding events point to the possibility of the tide of revolution turning from ebb to flow, sooner rather than later. Let us prepare to take advantage of the developing situation and advance the struggle for the empowerment of the toiling masses. The exploited and oppressed masses of Indian people have nothing to lose but their chains. We have a whole new world to win. |
Comrade Ganguly from the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) emphasized that there has been no change in the economic policy of the government. It is still driven by capitalism and imperialism, and therefore there should be no let up in the class struggle against these policies. He said we have to dispel the illusion amongst workers that the UPA government is “our” government and the Common Minimum Program is “our” program. Comrade Ganguly compared RSS fascism in India to Nazi racism and Mussolini’s fascism. While the Congress Party also supports this or that religious faction, and has followed a divide and rule policy when it suited it, its basic philosophy is not communal, he claimed. For this reason, he advocated that while we continue to struggle, we should not do anything that will bring the BJP back to power. “Until we have an alternative to the Congress other than BJP, we have to take this stand, till the Left is strong enough to capture power”, he said. He hailed the initiative of the CGPI in organising such a conference and proposed that further conferences be organised on such themes, preferably a convention where leading theoreticians and professors are invited. Ajay of Lok Raj Sangathan explained why there was no change at all in the foreign policy of the UPA government compared with the erstwhile NDA government. Recently, a representative of US imperialism had certified that this government is as good as the previous one, and what better confirmation could there be? The Indian State continues to have imperialist ambitions; it imposes its policies on other nations of South Asia. This government’s policies are in favour of the big business houses and the multinational companies. The Indian State wants to count itself among the most dominant powers of the world and, in this context, it has been making efforts to be part of an expanded G-8. Even in words, this government has not opposed US imperialism and the Israeli state's fascism; in fact, the government continues to carry out joint military exercises and strategies with the US military, against the interests of Indian people and other peoples too. He concluded with a call that we should take stands that will weaken imperialism worldwide and support the anti-imperialist struggles everywhere. Dr. Pradip, an activist from Pune, pointed out that while the message
is being spread that much has changed, everything is being done to ensure
that nothing changes! The recent events in Manipur are striking evidence
of the continuation of fascist rule in our country. He said that everywhere,
to a greater or lesser degree, activists and people who are struggling
for rights experience state terrorism. Expressing disagreement with people
in the movement who are saying that we should protect this government
in order to save ourselves from some greater danger, he pointed out that
fascism is part of the capitalist, imperialist state apparatus. He called
on the people to take up the struggle against this capitalist system,
which is fascist and which oppresses the people through violence and terror. Com. Hanuman Prasad Sharma cautioned that the propaganda that there has been some progressive change is aimed at breaking the struggle and unity of the working class, a conspiracy to silence the movement. Whether it is the BJP, Congress or some other bourgeois party, there is no class difference between them and they will try to break the unity of the people. He cited the recent instance of the Punjab government’s declaration that “not a drop of Punjab water will be available for Haryana, Rajasthan, or Delhi”. This is a clear case of trying to set the people against one another. He condemned it as a matter of shame that some in the left movement are trying to protect this arrangement, helping to “stabilize it”. They are supporting a party that has given birth to and supports communal elements in society. Even today, the villain of anti-people crimes committed in 1984 is sitting as a Minister! In conclusion, he said, that “if there is only one cure (to exploitation and oppression) and we admit to it, we must take up the class struggle, and all of us should participate”. Com.Arvind Singh from Bigul Dasta argued against having any illusion that there is considerable difference with the UPA replacing the NDA. He said that the victims of such illusions have to think whether they can provide leadership to the struggle. He gave a call for Krantikari Lok Swaraj - all wealth to workers and toilers, and for liberation from domestic and foreign capital. Speaking on the roadblocks to worker-peasant rule and ways to overcome them, he emphasized that Indian Marxist Leninists must uphold Mao Tse Tung Thought as the highest development of Marxism Leninism. It is necessary to draw lessons from the experience of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China which was the highest.development of all the three components part of Marxism. He said that a Communist Party that does not practice democratic centralism by having lively two-line struggle within it is like a dead body. and that the major problem in the Indian Communist Movement was that democratic centralism was not practiced in any party. He also elaborated that the Indian bourgeoisie was not a puppet of imperialism, that its imperialist ambitions coincided with and were coordinated with the US and other imperialists. He opined that the stage of revolution in India was the stage of socialist revolution, with the rich peasantry having vested interest in the continuation of the present system. Com. Jagdish from the Jan Pratirod Manch expressed his view that nothing fundamental can change without class struggle. He said that it was unacceptable to believe that problems can be sorted out just by getting into parliament. He called for an end to the split among the communist parties and for uniting around the line of class struggle. Com. Anjani of AIPRF said that illusions are being created on the nature of the change. High expectations have been raised that those responsible for communal violence against the people would be punished, that democratic rights will find scope and so on, whereas even Ministers in the NDA have accepted that the UPA is carrying on the same policies that the NDA was implementing. He denied that there was any more democratic space under the present regime than under the NDA, and cited the example of what was happening in Manipur. In conclusion, he said that people must struggle against imperialism and against the Indian bourgeoisie, and that we should take with us whoever is coming forward in the struggle. Saravanan, leader of the Tamil Nadu Kisan Sangathan pointed out that the only change he could see in the new government was new faces instead of the old. Declaring that the UPA was following the same anti-peasant policies, he elaborated on the woes of the peasantry, which were continuing to drive them to suicide. The CMP spoke of more credit to peasantry, but at the same time the measures that had earlier guaranteed the peasants some support like the Cooperatives and the Minimum Support Price were being eliminated. He called on all peasants to unite and take forward the struggle, without any illusions about the CMP or other policies of the government. Comrade Rath from the Proletarian Communist Party of India exposed the contradictions in the UPA’s policy and its double-talk. On the one hand, the government talked of revocation of POTA but continued using other fascist laws like MISA and ESMA; likewise in its economic policies it continues to be anti-worker. He condemned the support of the parliamentary Left for such a government on the basis of the argument that the country had to be saved from BJP fascism. Gautam Navlakha, associated with the Economic and Political Weekly journal, addressed himself to the issues of fascist laws and state repression as evidenced in recent weeks in Manipur. He said that this policy has been continuing and there is no change, whichever government is in power. He said it was a mistake for any government to think that it can ignore the just aspirations of the people and crush their resistance by brute force. Such actions will only give rise to increasing resistance. He endorsed the demands of the Manipuri people and all freedom-loving people for the withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and other such draconian laws. Comrade SK Sharma of SUCI pointed out that it could not be said that anything has changed qualitatively when the economic law at the base of a society remains the same and only the operator changes. Whoever the operator, the state machinery has its own laws by which it must inevitably operate. It is only the skills and style of the operator that has changed. So, in effect, nothing has changed with the UPA replacing the NDA. Addressing the issue of roadblocks to the worker-peasant rule, he called for the formation of a morcha to lead the people’s struggles instead of forming morchas only at the time of elections. He called for all revolutionary progressive forces, and political parties to get together for the broadest possible unity of the fighting forces, big or small, to formulate a minimum program, which will take the movement forward to worker-peasant rule. Professor Mohanty from Delhi University expressed the view that there has been some change for the better – some democratic space has been acquired. He felt that in order to utilise this space fully, we must work with the democratic-secular forces in the government, not forgetting our own independent program. People’s organisations should elaborate their own poverty alleviation programs in their local areas, he added. Comrade Sidhantkar from CPI (ML) New Proletarian criticized the view that democratic space has been created by this change of government. He said that only revolution could bring about any real change. He talked of imperialism reaching its highest stage as opposed to capitalism reaching its highest stage of imperialism at the turn of the last century and gave the call for a "New Proletarian Revolution". He questioned whether “worker – peasant rule” should be the aim, given that Marxism-Leninism calls for the “dictatorship of the proletariat”. He called for one revolutionary party and one movement in the country. Comrade Meghdas of the Chattisgarh Mukti Morcha argued that the economic policies remained the same, and people continue to live in poverty. The very same ministers, guilty of crimes against the workers, peasants and poor in the past, continue to be in the government. He supported the analysis of the CGPI speakers and elaborated on the line of the CMM of "Sangharsh aur Nirmaan" and "Naya Chatttisgarh ek naye Hindostan me". Hansraj Sharma, a peasant from Rajasthan, highlighted the plight of the peasantry and pointed out that whether it is the Congress or the BJP, each one talks about what they do for the peasants, but they only look after the interests of the big capitalist farmers who can earn lakhs of rupees in the world market. He concluded that nothing has changed for the peasantry, with the UPA government replacing the NDA. Comrade Rajkumar, HNES member from Kanpur, gave his view that both the Congress and the BJP are equal in their support for and implementation of anti-worker policies, which result in the closure of mills and factories, and workers being thrown out of work. He added that all bourgeois parties are the same in this regard, and as communists we can have no illusions that any one of them is less fascist. Comrade Santosh of HNES said, “I am working among ordinary toilers and they are not confused about NDA and UPA – both the parties appear the same to us. The Congress Party is now carrying out the same policy as the NDA, with the support of communists. The Congress party has 50 years of experience in ruling, it knows how to fool the people. When there is no water, no electricity, no basic services -how can it be a people’s government? Both the NDA and now the UPA talk of privatisation of these services, as if this will eliminate the problems, but we know what the outcome will be, based on our experience of Modern Foods.” Comrade Dharamendar, a teacher and activist of HNES, addressed the issue of the roadblocks to revolution. He explained a few issues that, he said, are keeping today’s youth from organising for revolution. “Education is very important for revolution and to establish workers-peasant rule, but most of us youth are not able to learn anything outside of the bourgeois system, which only teaches how to remain fully exploited within it”. He pointed out that Macaulay's system of education established by the British ensured that the youth do not raise questions freely, but only to the extent that it helps to consolidate the prevailing system. This education system has continued even after freedom, - the same lessons are taught and only to a selected few. And this is how the struggle is kept in check. We must raise the consciousness of our students to take up the struggle, along with the workers and peasants. Comrade Vijay Singh of Revolutionary Democracy agreed that both the BJP and the Congress are imperialist, feudal, capitalist parties, but there are differences. He said that while both oppressed the peoples and nationalities, we have to understand which group poses more danger and is more evil and we must defeat the fundamentalist parties if we want to defeat fascism. His view was that there is space for democratic forces and the minorities have got a better deal under the UPA regime. Sucharita, a women's activist, expressed her complete disagreement that there is scope for democratic forces under the new regime. She pointed out that state terrorism and attacks on the people in struggle are on the increase, and not even three months since the new government has taken power, we have seen the oppression unleashed against the people of Manipur. The same government that has said it will repeal POTA, has declared that the AFSPA cannot be repealed as it is necessary for the “unity and integrity of India”. In the face of these facts, there are some forces in the movement who are defending the unity and integrity of the country at the cost of lives of masses of people. These events clearly answer the issue of “space for democratic forces.” She also pointed out that till today this government has not addressed the issue of the right to strike. We should firmly reject such illusions and work to build the independent program of the workers and toilers. Govind Yadav, union activist and leader of Modern Foods Industries Union, called for a rejection of the view that building unity is not possible. He said that the workers and peasants have to reject all caste, religious, political affiliations that divide us, and unite as oppressed people. Amongst the many others who spoke was Renu, an activist among women and youth, who elaborated on the hypocrisy of the bourgeois governments towards women. She elaborated on how relying on the state to address even the smallest problem of women was a dead end road and called on all women to step out of their homes and participate in the struggle. |
Times are calling to intensity the Struggle in America against Imperialist War The Editor, Sir, One thing that has emerged clearly over these weeks is that the US is perfectly willing to use as much force as is necessary to achieve their aims of quelling restive populations across Iraq. It has also shown that it does not care about 'collateral damage', viz. the deaths and injuries to innocent civilians. It was known all along that once war took place, the Iraqis could not be a match militarily to the US, whether it was the erstwhile regime of Saddam Hussein and his army, or those who are today opposing the new Iraqi interim administration, which in reality is a puppet regime that articulates US interests in the country. As a result, the tactics of patriotic Iraqi forces would necessarily have to adapt themselves to face this grim reality. Furthermore, junior partners in the 'coalition of the willing' also seem to have been completely sidelined after the so-called 'transfer of sovereignty.' Another important change that any interested observer would notice is that the Bush administration, and for that matter the Blair administration in the UK, have stopped trying to present any justification for the illegal and immoral war of aggression that they have launched for the conquest of the oil-rich country of Iraq. It is now legitimate to merely discuss this or that aspect of the occupation: whether or not enough planning went into the post-war Government, whether or not the 'peace has been won' now that the 'war has been won', etc. It is therefore extremely important that this kind of pragmatism that has been and is being practised by western imperialist powers be continuously combated. It must continuously be emphasised that this war is a completely illegal one, and whether or not tomorrow 'western style democracy' is 'given a chance' in Iraq, will not change this stubborn fact. What is required from the progressive forces is the urgent need to combat this imperialist war and future imperialist wars to come. It is important that anti-war forces in the US and UK and elsewhere come together to bring their occupying armies back home, and to compensate the Iraqis for their loss of lives, limbs and property. Sincerely, |
Punish the guilty, ideology is not the issue! The Editor, Sir, I am writing to express my deep alarm at a recent statement from the Congress 'leader' and Human Resources Minister Mr. Arjun Singh, who has called for 'cleansing the administration of people owing allegiance to "fascist" RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh).' It is, of course, no secret that this so called cultural organization has been in the forefront of fomenting great difficulties for religious minorities and is indeed the inspiration for the political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party. The statement of the HRD minister is one of great worry because it somehow seeks to leigitimize the otherwise discreted organs of the Indian state. It is part of the program to convince the bourgeoisie and indeed the Indian masses that they are better off throwing their lot behind what is in reality, the fascist Congress party. The heritage of the Congress party is well known --- it is the party that oversaw the brutal partition of the country, ruled the country for the longest period, imposed the hated Emergency, oversaw the brutal murder of thousands of innocent Sikhs, and was responsible for disastrous foreign adventures. It is also the party that passed every single draconian law that oppresses the nationalities in the North East and Kashmir. Therefore to claim that the administration be cleansed of 'fascist' RSS elements is a serious diversion. If indeed Mr. Singh is interested in bringing justice to, say, the victims of the Gujarat riots of 2002, then all individuals, whether or not they owe allegiance to this or that organization should be brought to book and be subjected to due process. If indeed he is interested in dealing with the fascist legacy of the Indian state, let him also investigate the riots of 1984, to prove that all are equal in the eyes of the law. It should also be argued that merely 'owing allegiance' to this or that ideology cannot be construed as a crime. All progressive elements should also question what 'cleansing' of this or that element really means. Any harassment of individuals under such pretexts will set the stage for far greater disasters for all Indian people. An elaboration is required on principles such as what is meant by holding beliefs -- e.g., a person may believe that the country had a glorious past associated with this or that culture or religion so long as it is not used to harass or humiliate other sections of the population; another person may believe that the only solution to India's problems is socialism, etc. Progresive forces must uphold the right of individuals to hold any opinion that does not insult, harm, or deprecate any other individual or groups of individuals. Sincerely,
|
Hunger strike by Palestinian prisoners Thousands of Palestinian prisoners detained by the Israeli authorities on “security” grounds are on an indefinite hunger strike to demand better conditions. A large number of ordinary Palestinians too observed a one-day fast in solidarity with the hunger strikers. As we go the press, the hunger strike entered its 12th day. About 3800 prisoners are being detained in jails run by the prison system, while about 4000 are being held in detention camps run by the Israeli army. The prisoners have consumed only liquids as part of their protest. The prisoners are demanding mandatory visiting rights, better sanitary conditions, public telephones and an end to strip searches. The Israeli authorities have stated that the protest is only a ploy to secure easier communication between prisoners and their militant allies. However, the conditions in the jails have also been criticised by the Israeli government’s Public Defenders Office, which found that the prisons were overcrowded and unsanitary, with many prisoners having to sleep on bare, dirty floors. The authorities have tried to break the strike using all methods, including instructing prison guards to eat their meals in front of the prisoners and grilling meat near their prison cells. However, the Palestinian prisoners, who have been detained mainly for participating in political actions against the occupation of their land by the Israeli government, have been successful in drawing worldwide attention to the atrocities being perpetrated by the Israeli authorities. People from all corners of the globe have supported the strike and condemned the barbarism of the Israeli authorities. |
“Withdraw the Armed Forces Special Powers Act” – unanimous demand raised in two public meetings and a demonstration in Mumbai The brutal rape, torture and murder of Thangjam Manorama of Manipur has shocked decent people throughout the world. The valiant, unceasing protests that have followed it have focused the spotlight on the notorious Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) that has been in force in the North East from 1958 onwards. A demonstration against the brutal and anti-people Act was held by many organizations in Mumbai on 24th August. The first of the meetings on the same issue was on 25th August, organized jointly by Media for People, Majlis, Akshara, YUVA and Focus on Global South. It was held in the Press Club. Over 60 people attended. Nandita Shah from FAOW and Ritu Diwan were in the chair. The speakers were Nandita Haksar, a Human Rights activist in the Northeast from 1984 onwards and a Supreme Court lawyer, and Artex Shimrey, adviser to the NE Students’ Organizations. The second meeting was organized the next day by Aawaaz-e-Niswan, Bombay Sarvodaya Friendship Centre, Ekta, Forum, Indian Centre for Human Rights and Law Justice and Accountability Matter, Program of WRAG, Lok Raj Sangathan, Maharashtra Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti, Maharashtra Sarvodaya Mandal, Mumbai Jilla Sarvodaya Mandal, Mumbai Lok Samiti, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Nirbhay Bano Andolan. In addition to the two speakers above, Dr. L.P.Singh, a respected leader of the North East Coordination on Human Rights and Justice Daud, the vice-President of the Lok Raj Sangathan and a prominent Human Rights activist, also spoke in this meeting . Nandita Haksar explained that originally, the British passed an ordinance similar to the AFSPA in 1942. The AFSPA (Assam and Manipur) was passed in 1958 by the Congress government. It was applied to all the states in the NE in 1972, when the new states were formed. The then Home Minister, K.C. Pant, had introduced the Act in 1958 to deal with the Naga national movement. At that time itself, it had been challenged as unconstitutional. There is no provision for review when an area is declared “Disturbed”. This Act has been in force from 1958 to date! The Act is illegal, unconstitutional and also an infringement of Human Rights as defined internationally. All the 18 members of the Human Rights Commission had said that the Act was an infringement of human rights, but the India government said that it needed it for “border areas”. This notorious Act has seven sections. Section 3 declares that even when there is an elected government in the state, the Central government can go over its head and declare an area “Disturbed”. As per section 4, even a havildar, on mere suspicion, can shoot to kill, do body searches (men can search women even in their bedrooms), seize people, maim them and destroy structures that are “suspicious”. According to section 6, the Army cannot be taken to court. Nandita insisted that here is no room for reform of this Act - it must be repealed. She pointed out that never in human history have there been any safeguards from military rule. Human Rights violations have been there right from the beginning. Phizo’s village has been burned 7 times. Women are mass raped, while men are tortured and killed. Mizo villages have been strafe bombed. People have always challenged this Act politically as well as legally, while the Supreme Court has always upheld it. For 4 years, 6 lawyers worked fulltime and produced 10,000 pages of evidence against the army. It was of no use. Just before the judgment was to be pronounced, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court rang up the judges assigned to the case and told them not to give the judgment. They were transferred. Subsequently the same Chief Justice became the head of the National Human Rights Commission! This Act had also been imposed in Punjab and Chandigarh. In Kashmir this Act is applied with the addition of communal torture. She pointed out that the Indian state knows all there is to know about torture - every atrocity in Abu Ghraib is carried out, for instance, in Tihar jail. Nandita pointed out that the AFSPA was not introduced in response to militancy – militancy arose in response to such laws. No underground organization has done to the people what the Armed forces do routinely. Every armed struggle movement had started out in a non-violent way, but they were not heeded. For example, the demand for recognition for the Boro and Manipuri languages was not granted. 99.9% Nagas had voted against becoming part of India, but their voice did not count and Nagaland was forcibly added on to the Indian Union. A Union cannot be forced – it has to be voluntary. Movements for self-determination arise when people find that their legitimate demands are not granted. The AFSPA was introduced in the context of the movement for self-determination. It reflects the policy of the Indian government towards the North East. The Indian state is authoritarian in nature and has space only for one class and identity. With a lot of passion, Nandita pointed out that our democratic space
is being closed. The struggles in the NE are keeping our democratic space
alive. In conclusion she said that the issue is of Indian democracy. It is urgently necessary to discuss the question – What kind of democracy do we want? Artex Shimrey has a first-hand experience of the atrocities carried out by the Armed Forces. When he was a student, he and his friends were picked up one day for no reason and incarcerated for 5 days and nights. Chili powder was forced into their nostrils and they were beaten up for hours on end. They had to sign bonds declaring that they were not tortured. They would not have been released otherwise. This is the usual “precaution” taken by the Armed Forces, who also force their detainees to sign on blank papers. With deep anguish, Artex pointed out that 38 million people in the seven states of the northeast have been under armed rule for nearly 48 years. The world’s largest democracy is given license to kill, rape, molest and loot. The main targets are HR activists, student leaders, journalists, those in the underground movements and their relatives. All over the NE there are firing ranges for the armed forces to practice. The firing goes on day and night. People have no peace. No mental peace either, for they do not know whether the army is carrying out one of its anti-people operations nearby or whether it is just practicing. When the army carries out its search operations in villages, it uses the respected people of the villages as “human shields”. No torture is too brutal to be used by the armed forces in the NE. In fact, as the next speaker, Dr. L. P. Singh pointed out, there is no torture that has been used anywhere in the world that has not been used there. Artex described how the army hurt the sentiments of the people when it carried out torture, including mass rape and sodomy in churches. How it hung people with arms outspread in churches and taunted them saying that they were being treated like Jesus Christ had been. Every family in the NE has undergone tremendous suffering, pain, humiliation and trauma. The people have knocked on every door of the state including the Supreme Court and sent petitions to the highest authority of the land. They have even appealed to the UN. All to no avail. The Indian state has inherited the colonial attitude of the British to the NE. The region has rich natural resources – forest, oil, uranium as well as water. These are looked upon as national resources. But when the people approach the Center for the solution of any of their problems such as floods, lack of development, lack of educational facilities, lack of employment opportunities, etc. the ministers loftily proclaim that these are not national problems. On the contrary, those who raise these demands are labeled “anti-national”. There have been a succession of governments at the Center, but none of them have repealed the Act and delivered justice to the brutalized people. The Common Minimum Program of the present government carried just four lines on the NE, saying that they will deal firmly with terrorism and protect the integrity of the states. The peace process does not figure there, because this government too wants the AFSPA. The Indian state actively pursues the “Divide and Rule” policy of the British. It actively incites ethnic clashes amongst the people who have hitherto always lived in peace. The people arrested by the armed forces generally do not belong to any banned organization. However they are forced to “surrender” and then to become informers. The only jobs in the region are in the army. Here too the youth are kept dangling for years on the waiting list. They are forced to report regularly and act as informers. After the Manorama episode, the Assam Rifles rounded up hundreds of villagers and made them march with placards that they gave them. These placards proclaimed, “We love the Assam Rifles!” “We demand the AFSPA”. This when even a child in the NE knows and hates the Assam Rifles. All this was a part of the propaganda unleashed by the state. These were the demonstrations that were shown widely on TV. The Planning Commission gives money to the Army for “developmental work”. They are pumping in crores. There is no transparency, no accountability. The development is for the informers, not for the common people. The army is actively involved in alienating land from the tribals. Every major city in the NE has prime property taken by the armed forces, e.g. 30% of the prime land in Shillong is occupied by it. Army camps and barracks are located in the heart of every town in the NE. The army extracts forced and unpaid labour from villagers – carrying, clearing jungles along the roads, and destroying the environment in the name of “security”. Artex declared that everyone who lives outside the NE must ask the question, “Do we pay taxes so that the army can kill, rape, maim and loot the people of the NE?” One country, one culture, one religion, one language is being forcibly imposed there. But political problems have to be solved through dialogue. In conclusion he said that without truth there is no justice and without justice there is no peace. All of us have to join hands and fight for justice. L. P. Singh gave a short account of the history of the NE. Before the “world’s first democracy” had given itself a Constitution and held its first general elections, tiny Manipur had already held its elections in 1948 and elected their Chief Minister. Manipur was forcibly annexed by the Indian state in 1949 and a king was imposed. So much for democracy. He questioned the very basis of the AFSPA. What is “national”? How does killing common people increase “national security”? When there has been a ceasefire between India and the various armed outfits in the NE, why is the AFSPA needed? If this is democracy, then democracy has to be redefined! He stressed that if there are terrorists, they can only be punished by the due process of law. The state can’t become terrorist and summarily kill them. But in the NE, common people are being routinely killed. Are they terrorists? When the AFSPA has been in force for so many years, there have been so many bomb blasts. Then what purpose has it served? Unity has to be on the basis of culture and brotherhood, not at gunpoint.
All in the NE are united against the AFSPA. This time the people won’t
be quiet till they win their demands, he declared. He pointed out that
people are not happy in the rest of India as well. The root of the problems
of people throughout the country is the same and we have to unite and
fight for our rights and against injustice. In both the meetings there were interventions from the floor. One of the speakers pointed out that there was a trend in the progressive movement claiming that with the election of the Congress, the democratic space has increased. The example of the NE exposes how ridiculous this claim is. In fact the Honourable Prime Minister is in the Rajya Sabha as a member from the NE! Another said that we see fascism of the state in operation even in Maharashtra. The MCOCA that has been imposed here is an Act as black as the notorious POTA. And what about Section 144 that is never lifted from Mumbai? Every gathering of 5 or more people is illegal! One of the people said that if we accept divorce, we couldn’t oppose self-determination. Movements for Human Rights should join with those for self-determination. At the end of the meetings everyone was unanimous that the AFSPA must
be repealed and that all responsible for crimes committed under its umbrella
must be suitably punished! A resolution to that effect was passed and
signatures collected, on the suggestion of a member of the Lok Raj Sangathan.
|
|
Return to People's Voice Index: 
|